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The vicious attack by hundreds of white-shirted thugs at Yuen Long MTR station on Sunday night against protestors, at least four news reporters, and members of the traveling public, must be answered in the most powerful, decisive way. This attack was aimed at the heart of the mass protest movement which has mobilised millions in overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations and has shaken the Chinese dictatorship like no previous crisis for 30 years. At least 45 people were injured in the Yuen Long attack as gang members used metal and bamboo rods to slash out indiscriminately at passengers leaving late night subway trains. At least two victims sustained serious injuries. A member of student group Demosisto is being treated in hospital for a 6 cm gash to his head and a 3 cm back wound. A pregnant woman was among those attacked by the crazed white-shirted mob. No arrests were made by police who arrived on the scene very late and did nothing to prevent the brutal attacks. This will come as no surprise to anybody who has been following the epic events of the past six weeks. The methods used in Yuen Long are those of fascism. These methods, by a terroristic but highly organised group, are designed to spread panic and a loss of self-belief in mass movements of the working class and the oppressed. They rely on small forces, but these can become more aggressive and dangerous unless they are met by a firm response from the mass movement, showing greater will, more organisation and more discipline. Most triad members involved in the attack at Yuen Long are hired. They are not especially motivated for any given cause. The advantage of the mass struggle is its much higher motivation — to defeat this corrupt and brutal government — and its numbers, a huge superiority of numbers, if these become really organised. We have also seen in mainland China many times how corrupt CCP so-called Communist Party officials in league with capitalists have employed violent gangs to terrorise striking workers or farming communities opposing land grabs. These methods are now being exported to Hong Kong. They are now glued to a leader who is worse than useless — she cannot perform a single duty without further enraging the masses. But so far this has spectacularly backfired. Mass anger against the government is too intense. Also the police force is facing a deep internal crisis and splits as society holds them in contempt. But the Yuen Long incident represents a new and more open, dangerous level of violence. This demands a clear, forceful reply from the mass movement; otherwise the forces of authoritarian reaction will be emboldened to think they can act with impunity. Journalists, who have suffered violence from the police during earlier mass protests, have been quick to speak out. Some journalists plan demonstrations in the coming days. Through the familiar informal online channels the call has gone out for a mass protest in Yuen Long on Saturday 27 July. This is an important and welcome call. But the demonstration in Yuen Long must also take steps to defend itself and all those travelling to and from the protest. Real steps to organise self-defence are now urgent. The mass movement has a right to defend itself against fascist-style violence. This has become the most urgent topic for discussion and action within the struggle. Self-defence needs to be organised. In fact it is an approach to the struggle that has big limitations. These limits have now been reached as we see in the Yuen Long events. A long drawn-out struggle, which is what has now developed in Hong Kong, cannot rely only on spontaneous initiatives; planning and organisation are needed. This can only be done effectively without bureaucratic top-down control which would wreck the movement through democratic grassroots channels. Leadership is needed, but it must be elected and accountable to the masses. This is why Socialist Action has proposed the setting up of democratic grassroots committees in every workplace, school and locality to organise the mass struggle. To fight back against organised and well-financed gang attacks using fascist tactics, what is most needed is a democratically structured self-defence force to organise for the protection of the mass movement. It would be best for many reasons if the trade unions took the lead in this process, to help form the backbone of such a self-defence force. If the union officials do not take this step it must come from below. This is about defending fundamental democratic rights such as the right of assembly, freedom of speech, and even the freedom to travel home in safety. This is an attack on the whole mass democracy struggle… Self-defence is a human right. But it needs to be organised. It needs to be responsible, not looking to attack, but only to secure the safety of mass protesters and ordinary public…. This needs serious, disciplined men and women who will put the safety of the protesters and public first, but will help organise vigorous defence if attacked. There is no doubt which political forces are behind this attack. As reported previously on chinaworker. This follows weeks of escalating police violence against protesters using tear gas, rubber bullets and other weapons. There were also obvious signs of collusion between the police and the gangs that carried out the Yuen Long attack as pointed out in a joint statement by 24 pro-democracy legislators. Their statement correctly called for the resignation of Police Commissioner Stephen Lo and for an independent commission of inquiry into the Yuen Long attacks. But this statement does not go far enough. What it leaves out is the crucial question of what the masses themselves must do to defend the right to protest and to continue the mass struggle until the regime is defeated. Yuen Long tells us that organised self-defence of the mass movement is now the most urgent problem to solve. But any police action, probably minimal, against these right-wing forces is largely to try to cut across support for self-defence initiatives within the mass movement, which could acquire huge momentum as a result of this attack. Likewise, it is no mystery that the right-wing pro-Beijing political establishment also have a shady connection to the Yuen Long attack. Mindful that his conduct could lead to criminal charges against him, Ho who like many of the attackers represents feudal forces in the New Territories, tried the following day to distance himself from the gangs. The hypocrisy we now hear from the wider pro-government camp including Carrie Lam, and senior police commanders, shows their complicity in the violence. But Yuen Long was a terror attack involving serious physical injuries, while the protest at the Liaison Office was completely different with the only damage being to property and the inflated pride of the CCP dictatorship. The Chinese dictatorship is struggling to deal with the Hong Kong mass movement. Today this also means pandering to the monster personality cult that has grown around Xi Jinping. Critical or independent voices are not welcome in this system. Because it refused to allow Carrie Lam to resign, which would be seen as a serious setback for Xi Jinping, the CCP has probably condemned itself to a long drawn out battle for control in which its Hong Kong government has virtually ceased to exist. Therefore — most likely — the political crisis is heading towards a prolonged stalemate. A military crackdown using PLA troops, while this undoubtedly appeals to some CCP hardliners, is scarcely likely because of the hellish chain reaction this would trigger inside Hong Kong itself, in Taiwan, and by opening a new front in the inter-imperialist conflict with the United States. The CCP dictatorship therefore has no other strategy at this stage than to wait out the movement, hoping for a repeat of the Umbrella Revolution in which mass exhaustion set in. Socialist Action has from the outset explained that only a revolutionary struggle against the CCP dictatorship, which must of necessity spread to China, can bring real change in Hong Kong. This can only be achieved by winning the ear of the Chinese masses rather than, as some demonstrators seem to believe, focusing on actions to provoke and anger the CCP regime it is already angry. 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