Wiener buying weed

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Wiener buying weed

Prior to the prison stint, Miller, a cheerful guy in his early fifties, had run a construction company and a serious marijuana operation, simultaneously. CAURD went a step further, mandating that the first licenses for the sale of recreational weed go to people who had, or whose family members had, a marijuana-related conviction. In the previous four decades, according to an analysis by the Legal Aid Society, police in New York had made more than a million marijuana arrests. Although weed is consumed in roughly equal proportions across the racial and economic spectrum, as recently as people of color were subjected to ninety-four per cent of marijuana arrests and summonses in New York City; arrests in the city were also much heavier in high-poverty areas. We used to smoke weed together in college. His new boss, the director of the O. Fagon had been texting his weed dealer, Misha, for feedback on policy proposals. The activists had won. Howell Miller got out of prison in early and followed up on the tip from Weiner. It led him to the Bronx Cannabis Hub, an incubator set up by the Bronx Defenders and run by a public defender in his thirties named Eli Northrup. Forty or so people, most of them Black or Latino, gathered in the reception area of the Bronx Defenders office. Northrup and his colleagues had previously defended several of the attendees in court, and he dapped them up as they walked in. A twentysomething man named Sirvon, wearing a Louis Vuitton shower cap, told me that he used to call Northrup from Rikers on weekends, just to catch up. The Hub brought together a scrappy and profoundly New York City collection of people. The prospective applicants included a bricklayer, a harm-reduction trainer, and the owner of a local grocery store. There were also cabdrivers and restaurant managers, an accountant, and an electrician. Among the few women was Naiomy Guerrero, an art historian in her early thirties doing a Ph. Her brother had the weed conviction. Legal weed entrepreneurship is typically a sport for the well capitalized. CAURD promised a package that would help licensees leapfrog these barriers, providing renovated dispensary spaces and access to a loan fund of two hundred million dollars. In several states, companies that already dominated the medical-marijuana market got the first shot at the recreational market. New York required those companies to wait three years. At the Hub meeting, Northrup began taking questions, and hands kept going up. It was still illegal to transport marijuana across state lines—how would retailers get their inventories? Farmers upstate were growing fields of licit marijuana! No one knew, exactly. How much was the application going to cost? Two thousand dollars. Also, it was nonrefundable. What about the weed-selling bodegas and trucks that had been sprouting up across the city throughout the summer? Kathy Hochul, who had replaced Cuomo as governor, insisted that legal dispensaries would be open by the end of A woman in a pink skirt sighed. Equity programs elsewhere had flopped. Illinois had a carve-out for social-equity applicants, but by only one per cent of legal weed businesses in that state had Black majority ownership. Ohio mandated that fifteen per cent of medical-marijuana licenses go to people of color; after a lawsuit, the mandate was ruled unconstitutional. But a fluky political moment had created the chance for something radical in New York. If the O. If it failed, people might see it as a death knell for social justice having anything to do with legal weed. When the O. Miller was not among them. Guerrero, the art historian, did get a license. We really did this thing. There were some large asterisks, however. The state had been hit with the first of many lawsuits arguing that CAURD , in giving exclusive priority to people with convictions and their families, violated the law. That money was meant to be the fruit of a partnership: fifty million from the state, a hundred and fifty million from investment in a private fund. Management of the fund was entrusted to a team consisting of the former N. A week after the first licenses were announced, the online publication NY Cannabis Insider reported that, by all indications, no private money had been raised. The author of that report was Brad Racino, a journalist based in Syracuse. CAURD applicants started getting antsy. Marte and a couple of friends set up a group text for gossiping, brainstorming, and sharing resources. The O. Guerrero was growing skeptical and overwhelmed. The real work is that in-between. They generally had fund-raising lists and boards of directors. On December 29, , Housing Works, which supports people with H. The doors opened at P. Chris Alexander was the first customer. He bought a pack of watermelon gummies and a sativa strain called Banana Runtz. It is what we are doing. When began, New York City had one legal weed store and about fourteen hundred illegal ones. Some of these shops had an Apple Store look—minimalist merchandising, counters of blond wood and glass—and seemed well capitalized. I met her at her office, on Columbus Avenue, on a rainy afternoon. Brewer is in her early seventies, with blond hair graying at the roots and the unflappable bearing of a lifelong city dweller. In nearly every state where marijuana has been decriminalized, legalization has been followed by an upswing in illegal activity. Many entrepreneurs keep a hand in each world: legal growers in California often divert half their product to the illegal market as a safeguard against industry volatility and to pad their bottom line. Officials in that state recently accused a founder of a well-known legal brand of being the landlord for a string of illegal dispensaries in Los Angeles. Yelp-like Web sites that list local dispensaries frequently display legal and illegal businesses alike, without differentiating. But the explosion of unlicensed weed stores in New York City is unparalleled. This is due to, among other things, the sheer number of storefronts and the hypercharged culture of entrepreneurship in the city, where pop-up vending is perpetually in bloom. Enforcement, in any case, has fallen on the entirely unequipped O. Alexander compared the situation to a group project in grade school. In the year and a half that elapsed between the legalization of marijuana and the arrival of legal stores, the illegal shops were allowed to flourish. Consumers were waiting for weed stores, and look—here they were! It featured a velvet rope and a red carpet and the standard inventory for such places: pre-rolled joints, neon bud grinders, elaborate bongs, candy-flavored nicotine vapes which are illegal to sell in New York , cans of nitrous oxide, weed-infused gummies and chocolate bars from out-of-state brands. Several products advertised a truly terrifying potency: one bag of peach gummy rings from the California brand Smashed supposedly contained two hundred and fifty milligrams of THC per gummy, enough to send a devoted stoner like myself to the emergency room, if not to the grave. These purported amounts are not always accurate. Also, no one has ever actually died from too much weed. He handed me a copy of Cannabis Magazine in case I wanted to learn more. Plenty of penalties, both civil and criminal, can be deployed against these sellers, at least in theory. Churros are thoroughly legal—and a thirteen-year-old can consume them incautiously without having a very memorable panic attack—but cops still occasionally find the motivation to bust ladies who sell them in the subway. The sheriff sent police to sweep a few shops and confiscate illegal products. Two days later, the store was open again, fully restocked. The owners of Zaza Waza could not be reached for comment. Back on Columbus Avenue, Brewer and I passed weed bodegas every few blocks. She had a grim sense of humor about their invincibility. The Mayor, Eric Adams, had launched an interagency task force to inspect stores and seize illegal products; the state legislature granted the O. But the fines could be levied only through scattershot administrative hearings, and the O. The bottoms of her camel pants were soaked from walking through puddles. We passed a bar called Prohibition. Selling cannabis to minors is a felony. Brewer snorted when I recounted the conversation. Here, too, regulators tried to create an industry that was equitable, and environmentally friendly. New York is the only state in the country to have its first crop of legal marijuana grown entirely under the sun, Alexander told me. Farmers were allowed an acre of outdoor canopy, or about half that if they wanted to grow in a greenhouse. Not everyone agreed that this was a good thing. Never a sweet smell. The Kolektor, a former U. Only those with convictions were eligible for CAURD ; plenty of longtime dealers and growers had never been caught. The Kolektor sent me an elaborate amnesty proposal, drafted by a prominent cannabis lawyer. It involved a double-blind application system, a truth-and-reconciliation tribunal, locked hearings. Anything like that would take a lot of time. He posted closeup shots of his dense, crystalline flower on Instagram and sold huge amounts of weed through Discord every week. Most of the hemp farmers were white, and lived upstate. Brittany Carbone, who grew up on Long Island, runs a farm with her husband, Erik. Her past involvement with marijuana includes a run-in with law enforcement: as an undergrad at Penn State, in , she was arrested for smoking weed in her dorm room. Her parents paid a three-thousand-dollar fine, and she did a day of community service; a year later, her record was automatically expunged. Her passion for marijuana was undiminished. After college, she worked as a personal trainer for Equinox, and started making her own CBD blends, mixing hemp extract into ashwagandha root and lemon balm in her kitchen. When New York announced that farmers could get licensed to grow hemp for CBD, she thought of a property her family owned, which had a lot of unused acreage. I visited the farm, called Tricolla, on a biting-cold day. Carbone wore fleece, Erik wore lined denim, and their dogs ran underfoot. Carbone drove me around in a utility vehicle, passing acres of four-foot-tall marijuana plants, a million nugs waving gently in the wind. The barns were strung with wire cages for drying the harvest. Plastic tubs were stuffed with bags of weed. Carbone speaks with the wonkish vigor of a policy nerd and the can-do restlessness of an athlete at a press conference. She told me she understood that people were skeptical about the quality of outdoor-grow marijuana. She and her husband had taught themselves how to grow hemp just as the federal government removed it from the controlled-substances list: supply skyrocketed, prices plummeted, and they ended up with their crop mostly composted and an unsustainable load of debt. Legal cannabis had arrived as a lifeline, but the Carbones had upended everything to grow their first weed crop, and then found themselves with almost nowhere to sell it. In the early months of , licensed dispensaries began to dot New York. Union Square Travel Agency, a luxe store operated by the Doe Fund, a nonprofit, arrived soon afterward. In April, Coss Marte finally got his license. Howell Miller got his in July. Then, in August, the entire program was halted by litigation. A group of military veterans had sued the O. Soon, a coalition of medical-marijuana suppliers was allowed to join the suit as plaintiffs, giving rise to a popular theory that it had orchestrated the case. By that point, only about twenty licensees were doing business. Webber and Willis had finally secured a lender, Chicago Atlantic, for the two-hundred-million-dollar loan fund. The interest rate was thirteen per cent. Small businesses were going bankrupt, corporations were moving to less restrictive territory, and the majority of weed purchases were still made illegally. And now the lifeboat is sinking. In the fall of , the O. He threw a huge party—Funkmaster Flex d. Marte, a natural salesman armed with social connections and a P. Still, he immediately ran into obstacles. The law required that cannabis products not be visible from the street, and limited the text a store could print on its signs. Many weed bodegas, in contrast, had a flamboyant, illegal tackiness. Marte hustled like old times on the sidewalk, telling people about his store in Spanish and in very basic Chinese. In October, applications for licenses opened to the general public. Unsure of how the lawsuit would turn out, the O. I took the train back to the Bronx, where the Hub was helping people navigate the process. Northrup sorted through paperwork; the licensees, used to getting worked over by the government, sat by patiently. One of them had given up a restaurant to focus on his dispensary, and was fretting about yet another pivot. The plaintiffs suing the O. CAURD could now proceed. She and Erik had downsized, on account of the delayed rollout, and were now tending to a half-acre crop mostly on their own. Their pre-rolled joints and gummies were selling at Housing Works and Conbud. But the cost of doing business was punitively high, she said, and the market was fluctuating, with farmers lowering prices to impossible levels just to get their products on the shelves. As she saw it, the O. At the end of the year, I waded through holiday shoppers in Tribeca on my way to the law offices of Cleary Gottlieb, thirty stories up in a high-rise, where Northrup had invited CAURD holders to plan their next steps. People clapped one another on the back as they walked in. Most of them were struggling to find financing. One man, a cabdriver, was still miffed about having to apply for a license twice. Naiomy Guerrero was biding her time, turning down a succession of predatory offers. The language of social equity had come to seem like a cloak for a more brutal capitalist reality. Northrup had decided that the best way for him to help was to join the legislature: he was now running for State Assembly. Several licensees lived in his campaign district, in Morningside Heights and West Harlem, and they joked about getting out the vote. He suggested that the licensees organize a trip to Albany to advocate for themselves. The talk continued, and ideas flew alongside grievances and hopes. Could they crowdfund? Was it all too late? He made a business out of it when he was nineteen and expecting his first kid; his supplier got barrels shipped in from Jamaica. He would work past midnight and barely clear two hundred dollars. Housing Works had done twenty-four million dollars in sales in A year ago, according to an O. Marte said that sales at Conbud were increasing by five per cent every week. Howell Miller signed a lease for a dispensary in the Bronx—Two Buds, which he will run with his brother, and which has a grand opening planned for the spring. I e-mailed Anthony Weiner to ask if he remembered his conversation with Miller on the prison track. So glad to hear he is doing well. Send him my best. More than a hundred thousand marijuana convictions have been expunged, and sellers in the black market continue to cross over, if slowly. Misha, formerly the weed dealer of choice for the O. A handful of legacy growers, including the Kolektor, were in line for micro-licenses, allowing small, craft-beer-esque cultivation. Still, there were two hundred and fifty thousand pounds of legal weed deteriorating in storage, and patience was ebbing in Albany. In order to function properly, Democracy needs the loser. What happens to all the stuff we return? When the piano world got played. The Vogue model who became a war photographer. The age of Instagram face. Sign up for our daily newsletter to receive the best stories from The New Yorker. Save this story Save this story. Listen to this article. Cartoon by Benjamin Schwartz. Copy link to cartoon Copy link to cartoon. Link copied. Our findings die with us. Cartoon by E. New Yorker Favorites. 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L.A. dispensaries openly sell ‘magic mushrooms’ as state weighs decriminalization

Wiener buying weed

How can weed possibly be bad for us if it cures cancer? A murmur travels through the gym. Misinformation about drugs and addiction runs rampant in our culture—not just with teenagers who get their health information from Instagram, Snapchat, or the TV show Euphoria —and it can take many forms. It can be false, negative assumptions about people who use drugs, fueling stigma and leading those suffering from addiction to hide their use while their problems continue to grow. Marijuana—cannabis with THC levels of greater that 0. THC, now legal in many states, is often marketed as a way to relax or escape from reality. In many cases, it actually makes them worse. Despite how common THC use is, a shocking number of my clients are unaware of basic facts about the drug. This means that one joint today is roughly equivalent to smoking several 90s-era joints at the same time. Other THC products, like concentrates and vapes, are on an entirely different level: they often contain 70 to 90 percent pure THC, 20 to 25 times as strong as a 90s joint. According to the European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience , a peer-reviewed medical journal, THC use is consistently associated with worsening depression, anxiety , psychosis, and suicidal behaviors. Frequent THC use by teens has been associated with depression, anxiety, dropping out of school, unemployment, and future addiction, according to a recent study published in Drug and Alcohol Dependence. And despite rumors to the contrary, research indicates that THC is physiologically addictive: according to a recent study published in JAMA Network Open , roughly 21 percent of marijuana users struggle with dependency. About six percent of those users are moderately to severely addicted to it. Tens of millions of dollars are spent on advertising and branding that paint cannabis and cannabinoids as a therapeutic supplement or a healthy, alternative high. Initiatives that seek to inform and protect consumers, like accurate warning labels about mental health risks and capping maximum THC content, have faced swift backlash from government officials, cannabis advocates, and influential trade groups. The proliferation of these ideas has been entirely intentional: these companies understand that the less risky someone deems a drug, the likelier they are to buy it. But there are hidden costs, notably the harm caused to people struggling with mental health issues who are vulnerable and desperately seeking relief. The result? Having successfully addressed his anxiety in therapy, he quickly fell asleep and achieved the proper amount of REM sleep. What about the fact that doctors prescribe medical marijuana? The physician has no control over the cannabis type, potency, quantity, or delivery system, all of which impact possible risks and benefits of use. But in reality, using cannabis to treat PTSD is counterproductive. According to the journal Psychological Medicine , while it numbs symptoms temporarily, it exacerbates them over the long term. When used to treat PTSD in veterans, cannabis has been associated with poor outcomes, worsening addiction, and suicidal behaviors. Nonetheless, in almost every state with a medical marijuana program, PTSD is listed as a qualifying condition to receive the drug. Many dispensaries even offer discounts to veterans. A large-scale review recently published in the Journal of the American Heart Association found that regular cannabis use was associated with a 42 percent increase in risk of strokes and a 25 percent increase in risk of heart attacks. Another study, published in the journal Psychiatry Research , found almost , cases of cannabinoid-induced psychosis occurred in alone, or an average of one psychotic break every four minutes. Aaron Weiner, PhD, is a board-certified psychologist and addiction specialist who speaks nationally on the topics of addiction and behavioral health, and on the impact of drug policy on public health. More at weinerphd. Search for:. Filter by: Search Filters Articles. CE Training. Sign In. Aaron Weiner Aaron Weiner, PhD, is a board-certified psychologist and addiction specialist who speaks nationally on the topics of addiction and behavioral health, and on the impact of drug policy on public health. Send us your thoughts. Related Articles. The Medication Question Michael Yapko. High Times in Therapy Lauren Dockett. Online Courses. View All Courses. Recent Issues. View All Issues.

Wiener buying weed