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Sialkot buying blow

My response was that the manner and haste with which the government had gone into talks with the group was a greater threat than any capacity the TTP had to generate violence and which the state could and must counter. My response was that TLP was, and remained, a much bigger threat. The reason is simple. Over some years, and after much punishment, the state has developed a much greater capacity to pre-empt such attacks or react to those that go through. The other aspect — in some ways equally, if not more, important — is the ability of the state to isolate such groups. That is a function of public buy-in. The horrific Sialkot incident is not just a law and order problem and has implications that are far graver than the threat posed by the TTP. These are the two prerequisites — isolating a group and getting public buy-in — that help the state not just to use force against the TTP or the Baloch terrorist conglomerate but translate it into utility of force. This means two things. Second, the state, for all its rhetoric, cannot use force against the group and its supporters because the TLP uses its democratic right to protest. Let me put it another way. His party, when in opposition, marched on the capital and indulged in hooliganism and vandalism on more than one occasion. The issue of ideology becomes more complicated, because the state itself has nurtured this ideology over decades and, more recently, helped convex its violent expression through the TLP, albeit for reasons of political machinations. If one were to use a national security lens, not just in terms of hard security but employing a broader definition of it, the TLP proffers a bigger and more complex threat than does the TTP and other such groups. People now have a reference to a group they have seen perpetrate violence and get away with it It was no coincidence that some perpetrators of the ghastly incident in Sialkot not only openly justified their barbarism before television cameras, but raised the TLP slogan. They may or may not be members of the group, but that does not matter. What is of grave concern is the fact that people now have a reference to a group they have seen perpetrate violence and get away with it, because the state cannot develop a response to democratic violence. The Sialkot incident nearly created a diplomatic crisis between Pakistan and Sri Lanka, two countries that enjoy cooperative relations across a broad spectrum of interests, including defence. The Rajco Industries, one of the top exporters of sports apparel to the European Union, brings in foreign exchange. But, as reports suggest, among the various conventions signed by Pakistan to sustain the status, the issues of human rights and freedom of expression, including religious freedoms, continue to draw criticism from the EU. It could also lead to other restrictive measures including on travel with negative consequences for Pakistan across a broad range of sectors. The issue of religious sentimentalism is a fault-line that has been, and can be, exploited by hostile external actors. It is a force-multiplier because it has a cascading effect. The spontaneous mob that killed Priyantha Kumara, the Sri Lankan general manager of Rajco Industries, is another incident with external dimensions. It also gives hostile elements an opportunity to orchestrate more such incidents against foreign nationals working in Pakistan. Put another way, this is not just a law and order problem wedded to other socio-economic and religious factors, but has to be approached from a strategic perspective. The problem is further complicated by a host of laws the blasphemy laws, for instance that have not only helped create the present mindset, but which allow mobs to rely on them. Note the reference by PM Khan to vigilantism. The police in Sialkot acted with alacrity. District Police Officer Omer Saeed, a fine professional, had to act fast not only to track, trace and arrest the main culprits and others in the mob, he had to approach a number of religious groups and civic bodies to ensure that none made a statement supportive of the lynching. This is important, because we saw what happened after Mumtaz Qadri was arrested. As I wrote elsewhere, referring to Jim Crow laws in the southern states of the United States and the consequent lynch mobs, a problem that gets grounded in a society — whether racial superiority or, in this case, an ever-widening definition of blasphemy — is a hard nut to crack. It demands immediate attention to long-term approaches. The first needs to be top-down: ruthless crackdown on those who hold such views and participate in acts of violence and hate propaganda; the second, bottom-up: a mass movement of the victims and their allies that succeeds in dismantling the social and legal legitimacy of the violence directed against them. The writer is a journalist with interest in foreign and security policies. He tweets ejazhaider. Dear visitor, the comments section is undergoing an overhaul and will return soon. Join our Whatsapp channel. Read more. On DawnNews. Dawn News English. Latest Stories. Most Popular Must Read. Maleeha Lodhi. Khwaja Ahmad Hosain. Neda Mulji. Zarrar Khuhro. Abbas Nasir. Given the long-running feuds and divisions between state branches, the 26th Amendment could trigger a new standoff between the legal fraternity and govt. ONE in eight women in Pakistan is likely to be diagnosed with breast cancer at some point in her life. It is the AS is always the case with Pakistan cricket, more common sense was required. And with some radical changes came the