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On Jan. The fate of the three men reflected the reality of a century of systematic persecution of the Ahwazi in Iran. The Ahwazi are an ethnic minority whose very existence, let alone the extent of the persecution they suffer, is not widely known. Numbering an estimated 8 million to 9 million people, they are the descendants of the original Arab occupants of an area that today is part of Iran, but which for hundreds of years was known as the Emirate of Arabistan. Al-Ahwaz, as the Ahwazi call their lost state, ran along the Iranian side of the Shatt Al-Arab and down the east shore of the Gulf, an area roughly equivalent to the modern Iranian province of Khuzestan, but also including parts of the provinces of Elam, Bushehr and Hormozgan. In this map, published by the National Liberation Movement of Ahwaz, the claimed territory of Al-Ahwaz is shown as extending over 1, kilometers, displacing Iran from the whole of the eastern side of the Arabian Gulf. In the 19th century, in a political deal over borders, Arabistan was signed over to Persia by the Ottoman empire, but even then the emirate largely retained its autonomy. What would be a blessing for the Arabs of the western Gulf proved to be a curse for those on the far shore. In , following the discovery of its great resources, Arabistan was brought by force under central Iranian control. This exercise in social engineering is reflected in the changed names of towns, cities and, indeed, the entire region. To the Ahwazi, Khuzestan will always be Al-Ahwaz. The Iranian port city of Khorramshahr at the head of the Gulf was founded by the Arabs as Mohammerah. Shipping in the busy Iranian port of Khorramshahr, formerly the Arab city of Mohammerah, pictured in Getty Images. Today, however, despite decades of struggle and the sacrifices of countless dissidents and human rights activists, the Ahwazi are as far from realizing their dream of freedom as they have ever been. Exiled Iranians erected mock scaffolds outside the headquarters of the European Commission in Brussels on Oct. Ahwazi teachers Hashem Shabani and Hadi Rashedi were hanged in Throughout the two years the men spent in prison before they were hanged, both were tortured into signing worthless confessions falsely linking them to a terrorist organization. Saturday, because you are an Arab! Sunday, well, you are from Ahvaz! Monday, remember you are Iranian! Tuesday, you mock the sacred Revolution! Ahwazi journalist Rahim Hamid, who escaped the fate of his executed teachers and found sanctuary in the US. He was accused of threatening national security and, over four months in , subjected to repeated abuse and torture, at first in solitary confinement before being transferred to the infamous Sepidar prison in Ahvaz. Eventually, he was brought before a court in Ramshir, where a lawyer hired by his family successfully appealed to the judge to release him on bail, pending trial. The threat of a trial hung over him, but Hamid was determined to complete his university studies and graduated in But that same year his two teachers were arrested and Hamid decided to flee the country. Hamid was granted refugee status and given the chance of a new start in the US. Since he has lived in Charlottesville, Virginia, with his wife, who was able to join him in the US, and their two young daughters, both born in their adoptive country. In the US, Hamid has built a new life, working as an activist and freelance journalist, and has written hundreds of articles about the plight of the Ahwazi for a wide range of international media. According to a UN human rights report in September , an extraordinary mass purge of supposed dissidents carried out at the end of the Iran-Iraq war in was felt most heavily by the Ahwazi population of Khuzestan. Targeted ostensibly at those who had supposedly collaborated with Iraq, the purge extended to a broad range of dissidents. The horror of these events, in which eyewitnesses told of prisoners being hanged from cranes in batches of six at half-hourly intervals, lives on for the families of the disappeared, for whom there is still no closure. Iran continues to disappear members of its minority communities, including the Ahwazi. According to the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, between and August there were reported cases of disappearance in Iran, with of the victims women. These are only the documented cases. The true number is believed to be much higher. Yousef Silavi, pictured with his wife Tajamolok, left, and daughter Mona before his disappearance in His fate remains uncertain. His family believe he was abducted. Three years ago they heard unofficially that he was alive and being held in an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps prison. They have heard nothing since, but live in hope. For centuries, however, the Arabs of Arabistan enjoyed a peaceful autonomy, technically part of the Persian sphere of influence, but in reality left to their own devices, free to follow their own leaders, laws and customs. The moment all that began to change can be traced to within an hour on a single day in May over a century ago. British geologist George Reynolds, left, and two of his team take a break shortly before their historic oil strike at Masjid i-Suleiman in At about 4 a. Reynolds, an experienced British engineer and geologist working for a syndicate in London, knew exactly what it meant. After six long and frustrating years spent prospecting in vain in the northwest of Persia, he had finally struck oil. Oil gushes from one of the first wells to be drilled in Masjid-i-Suleiman in Iran in Life for the Arabs of Arabistan, on whose land the historic find had been made, would never be the same again. The Elamites were responsible for the construction in about B. Choga Zambil, one of the few ziggurats outside Mesopotamia, in the ancient Elamite city of Dur Untash, 80km north of Ahvaz. Although the Karun river had recently been opened up to British commerce by the sheikhs of Arabistan, Persian antipathy remained an obstacle to revitalizing the agricultural potential of the region. Various tribes competed for authority in Arabistan, but by the 19th century power had passed to the Muhaysin, who controlled the port town of Mohammerah, situated strategically near the head of the Gulf at the junction of the Karun and the Shatt Al-Arab. The semi-independent status of Arabistan, and its historical and geographical affiliation to Mesopotamia rather than Persia, had been dealt a blow in with the Treaty of Erzerum, under which Turkey and Persia resolved longstanding border disputes. In the hope of shrugging off the Persian yoke, the Arabs of Arabistan had nailed their colors firmly to the British mast. But for all the promises and assurances that would be offered by the British over the coming years, ultimately their dream of independence would be betrayed. In , Sheikh Jabir was succeeded by his son, Mizil Khan, who in opened the Karun river to British commercial interests and allowed the British to establish a vice-consulate at Mohammerah. Before his assassination in , Mizil Khan of Mohammerah forged close relations with the British, which were built upon by his successor, his brother Sheikh Khazaal. On June 2, , Sheikh Mizil was assassinated as he arrived by boat at his waterside palace of Fallahiyah at Mohammerah. He was succeeded by his brother, Khazaal. By now, imperial Britain was heavily invested in Arabistan, which it regarded as a buffer state in service to its overriding objective of protecting India against all-comers, which at the time meant Russia, Turkey and Germany. Sheikh Khazaal set about trying to strengthen his position with Tehran in a series of negotiations in which the British brought pressure to bear behind the scenes on his behalf. Muzaffar Al-Din, the Shah of Persia, who in formally recognized that Arabistan belonged to Sheikh Khazaal and his people in perpetuity. Ahwazi activists insist that this document alone means that the later Persian occupation of Arabistan in can be seen only as an illegal act under international law. The concession covered three-quarters of Persia, including the territories of Sheikh Khazaal. But on May 26, , even as a letter was on its way instructing its team in Persia to give up and return home, oil was finally struck in Arabistan, at Masjid-i-Sulaiman. By the terms of the firman issued by the shah just five years earlier, the sheikh was fully entitled to strike the deal. Britain continued to support the sheikh whenever possible — or, at least, when it suited its interests. For his part, throughout the war, the sheikh stood firmly by British interests. Had Arabistan been recognized then as an independent nation, backed by the might of the British empire, the Middle East today might look very different indeed. But after the First World War a dramatic shift in British priorities sealed the fate of Sheikh Khazaal, and signaled the end of the prospect of Arabistan as an independent entity. Following the Russian revolution in , it became increasingly clear that the Bolsheviks had designs on Persia. Reza Khan, Shah of Persia. With Britain's backing, he reneged on his predecessor's pledge in order to seize Arabistan's oil. It was a fateful alliance. Reza Khan was determined to bring the whole of Persia under central control and, in , he sent troops into Arabistan. Britain, now fully behind the regime of Reza Khan, was in the process of abandoning Sheikh Khazaal and sacrificing Arabistan to its own geopolitical needs. In a despatch sent on Sept. Over the next couple of years there followed a series of three-way political maneuvers between Reza Khan, Britain and the sheikh of Mohammerah, throughout which the Persian government, despite constant assurances to the contrary, gradually increased its interference in the day-to-day affairs of Arabistan. Matters came to a head in August , when the Persian government informed Sheikh Khazaal that the firman granted him by Shah Muzaffar Al-Din in was no longer valid. Coveted by the Persian government, the oil that should have been the making of Arabistan was to be its undoing. The sheikh told the British that he had had enough and planned to fight, but if he hoped that would force them to side with him, he was disappointed. Regardless, Sheikh Khazaal demanded that Reza Khan withdraw all troops from Arabistan and reconfirm the legality of the firman. After a few weeks of shuttle diplomacy, the British were pleasantly surprised when, in September , Reza Khan appeared to back down completely. But there was an ominous catch. The services which the sheikh had rendered them in the past made it undesirable that they should abruptly terminate their assurances to the sheikh. Ahwazi activists date the occupation of Al-Ahwaz by the Iranian state to April 20, Held under virtual house arrest, the sheikh would spend the remaining 11 years of his life in futile negotiations with Tehran. Five years later, the wheel of fortune turned again, but not to the benefit of the Ahwazi. He stepped down on Sept. The persecution of Iran's Arabs and other minorities continued under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who succeeded his father in , and after his overthrow by the Iranian Revolution in The appearance of British troops, sweeping into Arabistan from Iraq, raised fresh hope among the Ahwazi that independence might once again be within their grasp. It was a forlorn hope, however. On Sept. Accordingly, Sheikh Chassib was ordered to desist. Britain had washed its hands of Arabistan for once and for all. From now on, persecution at the hands of the Persian government in Tehran would be the lot of the Ahwazi. Just eight of the countless hundreds of Ahwazi who have been disappeared, executed or shot dead at checkpoints. US attorney and historian Aaron Meyer, an expert in international law, and a member of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa who has written extensively about the Ahwazi, became aware of their plight only within the past two years, following a chance encounter with a member of the diaspora living in the US. US lawyer Aaron Meyer, 'horrified' after stumbling upon the plight of the Ahwazi. Ilyana Meyer. Less than half the population is ethnically Persian. They mention it, but there is no accountability. In reality, there is little the UN can do beyond urging Iran to change its ways — formal pleas that invariably go unanswered. But in the annual report there was no direct mention of the plight of the Ahwazi, or of the extrajudicial killings of Arabs in Khuzestan that had occurred throughout the first part of the year. The youngest victim was year-old Ali Rashedi, shot in the head and back on Sept. Ali Rashedi, 17, one of many Ahwazi men shot dead at Iranian checkpoints in what activists say is a shoot-to-kill policy. In addition to executions, random arrests and shootings, the Ahwazi say Tehran has been pursuing a strategy of oppressing Iranian Arabs by destroying the very environment in which they live. The vast Gotvand dam on the Karun River, which experts say has helped to create an ecological catastrophe downstream in Al-Ahwaz. According to the report, studies carried out by Tehran University found that the dam had increased the salt content in the Karun river by 35 percent. Inevitably, frustration among the Ahwazi at such transparent injustice has boiled over into protests, which have been met with the customary violent response of the Iranian state. In July , tensions over water shortages flared into demonstrations in several cities across Khuzestan province, where summer temperatures can reach 50 degrees Celsius. Amnesty International said it had confirmed that at least eight people, including a teenage boy, had been shot and killed by the authorities during the protests. In the convention the UN pledged to punish those who committed genocide, but in the case of Iran has done no such thing. Many Ahwazi have fled Iran to seek sanctuary overseas. Activist exiles in the UK gathered on Whitehall in London in April to protest against the ethnic cleansing of Arabs in their homeland. On April 15, , four days of deadly riots broke out in the city of Ahvaz. The trigger was the apparent leak of a letter, supposedly written by an Iranian presidential adviser, that seemed to confirm Ahwazi fears that the government was intent on further Persianizing the province of Khuzestan. The authenticity of the letter remains uncertain. The result, however, was all too clear. As many as 50 people were killed in the subsequent protests, while dozens more were wounded and hundreds arrested. The inequities suffered by his people included the imposition in Iran of a single-language education system in a society in which two-thirds of the population were non-Persian speakers. In Iran, he said, up to 80 percent of Persian pupils graduate from high school. The rate for Arabs in the country was about 25 percent. Protests, or even the suspicion of political or social activism, had led to the incarceration of thousands of Ahwazi political prisoners. Sixteen years after he made his powerful plea for help to the UN group, Abdian despairs of seeing an improvement in the position of his people in Iran. So, this nation, which owns the land that currently produces 80 percent of the oil, 65 percent of the gas and 35 percent of the water of Iran, lives in abject poverty. They were dealt the worst hand in history. Real progress, he said, remains elusive, and the Ahwazi are divided over how to achieve it. There is nothing wrong with wanting independence, but is it doable? Journalist and analyst Mousa Sharififarid says many Ahwazi believe federalism offers the best hope for them and all of Iran's oppressed minorities. But for other Ahwazi, the failed attempt in by the Kurdistan region of Iraq to gain independence serves as a warning, according to Sharififarid. In September that year the Kurdish regional government staged an unofficial referendum, unapproved by Baghdad. For those Ahwazi hoping to secede from Iran, the failure of Iraq's Kurds to win independence in serves as a cautionary tale. Although more than 92 percent voted for independence from Iraq, few countries in the region and beyond supported the move. Iran was particularly belligerent in its opposition to the vote, which resulted in the loss of disputed territories to Iraq, the resignation of Kurdish president Masoud Barzani, and the death of the dream of independence. Ahwazi writer and journalist Yousef Azizi, who fled Iran for London in , is not without hope for his people. Modern Ahwazis, he said, have access to Arabic-language television stations, a window on the world that has allowed them to follow global developments, such as the Arab spring, that is denied to Farsi-speaking Iranians. But the struggle is like climbing stairs — you go up, step by step. I think the process of struggling will be fruitful. The struggle is not helped, he said, by the fact that the world seems to have forgotten about the Ahwazi. Azizi said that the Ahwazi elite must do more to raise the profile of their people and highlight their suffering. That must change. Skip to main content. Executed: Hashem Shabani and Hadi Rashedi. From autonomy to betrayal. A persecuted people. Hopes and dreams. Top Built with Shorthand.

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