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Drug traffickers have a problem exporting drugs from Venezuela. There are few commercial flights, little container shipping, no tourists and a collapsed fishing sector. But the Dominican Republic, 1, kilometers away, has it all. In the mids, over 75 percent of the cocaine seized on its way to the United States was taken in the Caribbean. By , that number was down to 10 percent , and Central America was registering over 80 percent of seizures. See other parts of the series here and the full report here. The reason for the resurgence in the Caribbean is explained by two factors: increased US investment in the drug war in Central America and Mexico, and the growing importance of Venezuela as a regional cocaine hub. This has also had an effect on the cocaine air bridge from Venezuela to Honduras, pushing more drug consignments onto the high seas of the Caribbean. While the United States set up the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative in , this has seen far fewer resources dedicated and attention paid, failing to curb the growing cocaine trade via the Caribbean. The US State Department has identified the Dominican Republic as one of the principal transit nations for cocaine shipments headed to the United States, with maritime trafficking, involving the use of go-fast boats and commercial containers, as the primary method of smuggling drugs to and from the island. It was also the country most frequently identified by European agencies as the transit nation for cocaine shipments destined for Europe. Up to five million tourists enter the country through the international airports and the dozens of cruise liners that pull up to its ports every year. Santo Domingo is one of the oldest, as well as the largest, cities in the Caribbean, with its metropolitan area registering a population of almost three million. It boasts world-class hotels, resorts, restaurants and casinos, everything an aspiring narco needs. The Dominican Republic has far and away the biggest economy and GDP in the Caribbean, along with a booming property market, thus offering plenty of money laundering opportunities. For departing cocaine shipments, the Dominican Republic has a plethora of different routes to offer. For the US market, there is Puerto Rico, just kilometers away. As a US territory, if smugglers can get cocaine onto this island, it makes for an easier ride to the mainland, being inside the US customs barriers. Similar dynamics apply with the French territories of Martinique and Guadeloupe for shipments into mainland Europe. British overseas territories like Anguilla, Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands, as well as former colonies like Jamaica, are springboards into the United Kingdom. Yet thanks to linguistic advantages and a significant Dominican diaspora, Spain is still the principal entry point into Europe for drugs leaving the Dominican Republic. Spain has traditionally been the European nation with the highest cocaine seizures. Another reason the Dominican Republic is a preferred transit nation for cocaine is the increasing sophistication of the native drug trafficking organizations DTOs. Dominican criminal structures used to act principally as transporters for Colombian and Mexican organizations. Those days are gone. Dominican DTOs have moved into the big league. Nowadays, the Dominicans are buying cocaine in Venezuela, contracting Venezuelans to make the hazardous journey across the Caribbean, then taking direct control of loads as they hit the island. Dominican reach does not stop here. There, a large Dominican diaspora sells the drugs, even going down to retail level. This means that the Dominicans now control a large number of links in the drug chain, and are able to maximize their profits from each kilogram of drugs. Dominicans, working with Colombian and Mexican cartels, are also acting as intermediaries for international mafias looking to secure large cocaine loads. International intelligence agencies in Santo Domingo have flagged the growing presence of Russian organized crime figures. The Dominican Republic is immensely attractive to Venezuelans looking to flee their collapsing homeland, or stash their money beyond the reach of hyperinflation and government expropriation. The culture on this Caribbean island is a lot like that in Venezuela, so they feel right at home. Wealthy Venezuelans have long invested in vacation homes and other properties in the Dominican Republic. As they sought to protect their assets from possible seizure back home, investment increased. But few Venezuelans actually took up residence on the island. The first to arrive in the Dominican Republic were upper- and middle-class Venezuelans fleeing the uncertainty. They generally established medium-sized service companies and got jobs as professionals. But lately, the stream has turned into a flood. The arrival of Venezuelans through Dominican airports jumped 40 percent in compared to the year before, for a total of , people, although there is no clear data on how many went for tourism purposes and how many stayed. In an attempt to stem the flow, in December , the Dominican government announced new restrictions on Venezuelans arriving as tourists, such as proof of financial means or paid hotel reservations. A foundation that helps Venezuelan immigrants in the Dominican Republic estimated that there may as many as , Venezuelans residents now. Several Dominican sources pointed out that Venezuelans linked to the Maduro government are buying up luxury villas in top-notch resorts such as Casa de Campo in La Romana, possibly purchased with ill-gotten gains from the drug trade or the kleptocratic sacking of state coffers. US sources stated that Venezuelan criminal structures are now present in the Dominican Republic, working with their Dominican, Mexican and Colombian counterparts. Add to this high levels of corruption among the political class and the security forces and the Dominican Republic has the potential to be a drug trafficking paradise. Another route taken by boats laden with drugs, is island hopping across the Caribbean archipelago. There are kilometers from Venezuela to Trinidad and Tobago, and from there, islands line up all the way to Cuba, among them Grenada, Martinique and St. Kitts and Nevis. Then you hit the big islands starting with Puerto Rico and Hispaniola, which the Dominican Republic and Haiti share, and finally Jamaica, before hitting the biggest island in the Caribbean, Cuba. They were originally arrested in Haiti, next door to the Dominican Republic, where they had been flown in a plane piloted by a member of the Venezuela National Guard. Once there, they intended to receive a down payment for a drug deal, which was going to involve cocaine allegedly provided by the largely demobilized Colombian rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia — FARC. At the end , 10 drug traffickers were captured on a Lear jet arriving in the Dominican Republic carrying kilograms of cocaine. Airplanes were sent without cargo from Mexico to the Venezuelan state of Apure, which borders Colombia. The planes were received by Lamas, who then loaded them with cocaine and dispatched them to the Dominican Republic, Haiti and the Bahamas. Lamas was extradited to the United States in July Five police agents and three airport security guards were also involved in prepping the Cessna to depart with cocaine aboard. The drugs were seized by Dominican anti-drug police. On average, Venezuelans who have ingested drugs bring in a kilogram of cocaine, or if they are carrying it in a suitcase, an average of five kilograms, said the same source. During questioning, several of the mules told Troncoso they were taken over the border from Venezuela to Colombia to load up with drugs either ingested or packed in their luggage. They then flew out of the international airport in Caracas. The drive to Caracas from Catatumbo in Colombia, where coca is booming, is more than 10 hours, and it takes a similar time from the Colombian Guajira — too long for mules to risk having the drugs in their stomachs. The mule operation is largely run by Colombians and Dominicans residing in Venezuela, according to Troncoso. Most of the mules caught at the airport in the Dominican Republic said they were obliged to carry the drugs due to the desperate economic situation at home, Troncoso said. He also said the same dynamic lay behind a spike in Venezuelans crewing go-fast drug launches. Current indications show that between three and four out of every five go-fast boats arriving near the Dominican Republic include Venezuelan crew members. The scale of the maritime route between Venezuela and the Dominican Republic is hard to estimate, but speaking to law enforcement officials from the United States, the United Kingdom and the Dominican Republic, we built up a picture of around three go-fast boats coming into Dominican waters every week, carrying between kilograms and a ton of cocaine. Using these figures, one could estimate that the maritime route alone from Venezuela is bringing in 9. This is an extraordinary amount of drugs, equivalent to about 15 percent of annual global cocaine production. They are also handling a significant flow of heroin and fentanyl passing across the island. Even if President Maduro is defeated in the upcoming elections, the conditions in Venezuela are unlikely to change quickly. This means that the drug pipeline to the Dominican Republic is likely to grow and strengthen, certainly in the short term. While US authorities like the Drug Enforcement Administration DEA are well aware of the flow of narcotics, there is little they can do, as they are not officially present in Venezuela and receive zero cooperation from Venezuelan authorities. Interdiction across the Caribbean is tough. The go-fast boats usually depart at dusk, and then as the sun rises, they throw blue-green tarpaulins over the boats, making them all but invisible. When darkness falls again they continue their journey. When they get near the Dominican Republic, they are met by Dominican traffickers at sea, who transfer the loads. The mainly Venezuelan crews then return back to the South American mainland. And the process is repeated. What is interesting is that the vast majority of cocaine seizures occur on the way into the Dominican Republic. This means that once on the island, organized crime is able to move and export drug shipments with relative ease and security. This suggests high-level corruption in local law enforcement, the national anti-drug agency and the port authorities, perhaps including political top cover. Almost all sources consulted agreed on this, but were reluctant to go on the record. The longer this cocaine pipeline remains active, the more sophisticated and powerful Dominican and Venezuelan DTOs will become. The Dominican Republic is no longer just a transshipment point, but a venue where international mafias can purchase large drug consignments. This means the Dominican Republic will evolve as a cosmopolitan drug-trafficking hub, with growing Venezuelan criminal presence. There is already evidence that DTOs here are unrestricted by national boundaries, have partners from many different nations, and are able to change their smuggling patterns and modus operandi to avoid law enforcement detection. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.
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The managers at Caucedo Multimodal are proud of their international connections. Running the biggest port in the Dominican Republic, located just east of the capital, Santo Domingo, is busy work. Read the full investigation here. Transnational entrepreneurs have taken note of this promise. As have transnational drug traffickers. This year has marked a serious uptick in cocaine seizures. Just over 7. In the largest haul that month, just under 1. This was not business as usual. Caucedo is by far the single biggest point of cocaine confiscation in the Dominican Republic. Furthermore, shipments seized out at sea or on uninhabited beaches where cocaine is brought ashore are usually on their way to Caucedo, to be temporarily stashed or to be moved on again in another container ship. Colombia and Venezuela are only about a thousand miles 1, kilometers away. The crews, so-called transportistas , are often a mix of Dominicans , Venezuelans , and Colombians. In some cases, authorities tipped off to arriving boats end up confronting traffickers in forested areas or communities close to shore, suggesting the traffickers are quick to move off the open beaches. The report details how authorities have traced the journey of specific drug packages through the Dominican Republic by tracking the distinctive stamps traffickers use to identify the multiple drug bundles within large shipments. In one case, authorities were able to connect two parts of a single shipment, separated after a partial seizure at sea, by matching the stamps at a later date. They realized that the unintercepted part of the shipment had been smuggled into the port on the very same day. The vast majority of cocaine moving through the Dominican Republic is bound for the growing European market , where DNCD intelligence helped various governments seize 6 tons of the drug last year. The container was in transit from Guatemala to Belgium, a fact that authorities said complicated their investigation. Trucks have recently been used to move cocaine within the port. One attempt to do so in March of this year ended in gunfire when anti-narcotics authorities surprised a group of Caucedo port employees and truckers in the process of moving cocaine from a container onto a truck. Realizing they had been caught, the criminals shot at authorities and fled to nearby woods. Later, traffickers reintroduce the cocaine to the port inside the modified containers with the help of complicit truck drivers. Caucedo port authorities admit that drugs get through and shipments are contaminated in spite of strong security measures. For example, criminals have made rapid advances in cloning the single-use, heavy-duty seals that secure containers before they embark on each leg of their journey. Cloning a seal requires that drug traffickers have access to shipping documents and then gain access to the containers themselves. These steps almost always require the assistance of a corrupt port employee. In January , five Caucedo employees were arrested after authorities found kilograms of cocaine hidden in the bottom of a container loaded with cacao destined for France. Experts who spoke to InSight Crime confirmed that Caucedo is highly vulnerable to staff corruption, amid other security challenges. How vulnerable are they? And while initiatives to raise public security force salaries are gaining momentum, low pay remains a glaring vulnerability. To win that renown, it must handle more containers more quickly. But like other global ports, Caucedo cannot afford to scan every container passing through its docks. Stopping containers is not seen as a good thing. In response, a spokesperson for Caucedo said the port has maintained high-security standards and has worked with authorities to prevent illegal activities, but declined to discuss specifics, citing security and reputational concerns. But like almost every other port in the world, authorities there are being outsmarted by the cunning of criminal networks. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.
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