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The broad insurgent, indigenous and popular movement fermenting over these years of intense activity eventually led to the election in of coca grower Evo Morales, an Aymara native, as the first indigenous president in the Americas. Since the s, these growers and sellers have been calling for a free market for coca leaf as a more effective way of handling the problem of this illegal activity, instead of repression. In colonial times—that is, during the first globalization—this large internal market in coca, wines and spirits, in addition to minerals gold, silver and, later, tin , was a feature of indigenous modernity. Against this backdrop, the indigenous population found a space for long-term economic participation while offering cultural resistance. Since the early 20th century, large pharmaceutical companies have assembled an apparatus of violent repression of coca under the abstract argument of defending public health in consumer countries. In opposition, coca producers are resisting the many forms of this unequal and unsuccessful war. The coca growers, along with the distributors and consumers, are the protagonists of Bolivian indigenous modernity that functions on the internal market and is the result of empowerment processes, agency and decolonization. In turn, because these practices involve the consumption of coca, this political phenomenon boosts the rural coca growing economies, consolidating an expansive and stratified internal market. The history of inclusion of coca leaf onto Schedule 1 of Prohibited Substances of the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs dates back to the 19th-century boom in European medical science and analytical chemistry. Forerunners to the current biopiracy initiatives of the large seed, food and medicinal plant transnationals, European and U. From on, companies such as the U. These, in turn, refined the product to sell it in crystal form as cocaine hydrochloride in the world pharmaceutical market. Meanwhile, Bolivian coca, with its characteristic high price and aromatic quality, continued to supply the regional extended market for akhulliku or coqueo , which was linked to the silver, saltpeter, tin and copper markets and to the dynamic world of labor and urban and rural ritual. The internal coca market amounts to 3 million bolivianos …and is therefore of great economic significance. In taxes alone, coca generates a quarter of a million bolivianos a year. The pharmaceuticals industry, which specialized in extracting crystallized cocaine from the leaf, was based on the colonial and oligarchic economies of Asia and Peru. In contrast to this international market, Bolivian coca—despite being partly in the hands of large estates—was more closely linked to the organic growth of regional and interregional markets, largely coordinated by an itinerant cholo population. The United States was an enthusiastic consumer of coca products. At first, the manufacturers of these coca leaf tonics, energy drinks, syrups, tinctures and elixirs emphasized the difference between the natural byproducts of the whole leaf and other preparations that contained pure cocaine from the laboratory. Soon, however, competition became fiercer and some companies began to rely on addiction as a market principle just as tobacco companies do today. Preparations appeared with a high content of pure cocaine the famous cures for catarrh and nasal congestion , giving rise to abuse and notorious medical scandals. Likewise, the drinks and soft drinks companies were carving out an ever larger market, free from restrictions and controls, which soon had to adapt to the ebbs and flows of the Prohibition era first alcohol, then cocaine. One classic case was that of Mariani wine, based on a syrup of natural coca leaf soaked in grape wine. Its report links the use of coca with malnutrition and poverty, states that coca substitutes for food products, poisons the body and leads to a lack of concentration at work. The report was ratified in as a report of the World Health Organization Committee of Experts and then again in , and afterwards, despite an independent WHO study that sought to amend this erroneous and prejudiced position. The resulting document reflects the new sensibilities of that decade with its important processes of ethnic self-affirmation. All coca farms outside of this demarcated area were considered surplus—meaning that sooner or later they would be illegal. In order to forcibly eradicate coca farms, the government militarized the Cochabamba region with ensuing mass arrests, raids and murders. Coca growers responded by replanting coca in ever more remote and inaccessible areas. In negotiations later that year, the mobilized grassroots coca growers obtained recognition of the traditional uses of the leaf and the possibility of its industrialization. They also managed to get an explicit ban on the use of herbicides and other chemical agents included in the law, along with the manual eradication of surplus crops. Eradication was defined as a voluntary process subject to financial compensation. The day March for Life, Coca and National Sovereignty, which arrived in La Paz on September 20, , re-established the indigenous technique of the March for Territory and Dignity and adopted a rich symbolic language that emphasized the notion of coca as a sacred plant and symbol for indigenous peoples and part of the traditional pharmacopoeia. The Six Federations and their leader built on these events at the political level, achieving a number of mayoral posts and councillorships and eventually posts in parliament. Evo Morales and the coca growers were no longer political adversaries in the democratic arena: they were drug terrorists, defenders of armed struggle with links to guerrillas in Colombia or Peru. The subsequent Sacaba uprising revealed the impatience and desperation of the coca growers in the face of moral fundamentalists who were trying to destroy the legal market for coca in Cochabamba. Of the six deaths caused by the conflict, four were soldiers from the Armed Forces, two of whom had been cruelly lynched in revenge for the murders of two coca growers. All this ended in the embarrassing withdrawal of parliamentary privileges from Evo Morales, announced openly by U. Evo Morales—who had been traveling abroad during the October uprising known as the gas war—managed to capitalize on it. The October agenda became the basis for his electoral manifesto: oil and gas nationalization, the holding of a Constituent Assembly, land redistribution, defense of coca and the war on corruption. The increasingly explicit pressures and demands for the destruction of legal markets are pushing the government into an ever more irate position of civil disobedience in relation to the United Nations and United States—to the point of expelling all U. Drug Enforcement Agency members. But there is also a degree of ambiguity and conflict between the initiatives of civil society and those of the government. These conflicts are expressed, on the local level, in pressures by the anti-drug apparatus, in active and daily resistance by the producers and in the position—not always consistent—of the government. The government has demanded the withdrawal of coca leaf from UN Schedule 1 and the opening up of legal markets abroad. This opposition of interests explains the conflictive tone of the declarations on both sides, such as the ever more aggressive stand of the International Narcotics Control Board INCB and the United Nations against coca, which in turn resulted in an ultimatum and the U. One hopeful sign has been the emergence of new markets and diversification of the legal uses and benefits of coca, which has experienced an intense boom in recent years. Since then, annual coca fairs, seminars, concerts and public debates have increased the public legitimacy of coca; discussion and defense have been fully integrated into the academic and political debates of civil society. A contemporary Aymara sociologist, historian, and subaltern theorist, she is the previous director and longtime member of the Taller de Historia Oral Andina Workshop on Andean Oral History. They can be broken, however, as shown by the notorious civil-military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet The fourth edition of Born in Blood and Fire is a concise yet comprehensive account of the intriguing history of Latin America and will be followed this year by a fifth edition. All rights reserved. Photo by Antonio Suarez. Fall , Volume XI, Number 1. Related Articles. Chile is often cited as a country of strong democratic traditions and institutions. Older Entries. Next Crash Course on Bolivian Cinema. Admin Login. Subscribe to the Newsletter.

2. The Lowest Rung of the Cocaine Trade

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Your purchase has been completed. Your documents are now available to view. Purchase chapter. Cite this Share this. Showing a limited preview of this publication:. Cite this chapter. Grisaffi, Thomas. The Lowest Rung of the Cocaine Trade'. Grisaffi, T. The Lowest Rung of the Cocaine Trade. Grisaffi T. Copied to clipboard. Copy to clipboard. Share this chapter. Supplementary Materials. Please login or register with De Gruyter to order this product. Register Log in. Coca Yes, Cocaine No. Chapters in this book 15 Frontmatter. To Lead by Obeying. The Rise of the Coca Unions. Self-Governing in the Chapare. From Class to Ethnicity. Community Coca Control. The Unions and Local Government. Downloaded on

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