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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Since the s, the landscape of illegal drug use has changed in Morocco. This has come about through the introduction of new drugs and new modes of consumption. Morocco's geographical position has actively contributed to facilitating the transit of cocaine from the Sahel; heroin arriving through the two enclaves of Sebta and Melilla; and psychotropic drugs from Europe or those transiting through Algeria. The s were marked by the 'democratization' of certain drugs with the massive arrival in Morocco of cocaine and heroin, which had until then been reserved for a wealthy clientele. Using the city of Tangier as a working space, this article attempts to understand the process of heroin addiction, and tries to answer the following questions: how do people become junkies? How it feels to break the social link? How do they experience the user-sick position? Como eles experimentam a p The abuse of illicit drugs has become a public health problem in Brazil. Anti-drug laws were instituted with the intention of minimizing drug trafficking and, consequently, the use of these substances. The objective of this study was to identify the motivations that led them to the use of illicit substances in a group of male residents of a therapeutic community in Manaus. This work corresponds to a qualitative and exploratory research. Five men residents agreed to participate. For data collection, a semi-structured interview was used, which followed a previously elaborated script, which contained key questions for discussion and treatment, and data analysis, using Bardin's Content Analysis technique. The present study proved that the most critical factors as motivation for substance use are colleagues and family conflict. It is well established that friends who use drugs are more likely to use drugs. From the interviewees' statements, it was found that friends not only provide immediate access to substances, but also shape drug use behavior and help shape positive beliefs and attitudes toward drug use. Substance use by friends is also likely to influence perceptions of how normative substance use is among peers. ISSN 77 familiar. The analysis is conducted through an ethnographic examination of the lives of drug-users in the Canal Communities area, alongside quantitative data that we collected and some tabulation of secondary statistics. These data are analysed together to give a sense of Journal of the American Medical Directors Association, Journal of Electroanalytical Chemistry and Interfacial Electrochemistry, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. International problems:drug and drug trafficking Donskikh Svetlana. A dizzying array of substances: an ethnographic study of drug use in the Canal Communities area A. Jamie Saris. Keywords: drugs; heroin; consumption; addiction; Morocco. However, a new reality has just been added to this position as the world leader in cannabis: the massive arrival of new drugs, including cocaine, crack cocaine, and psychotropic pills. Northern Morocco has become an area for the consumption of drugs, particularly heroin, with extremely low prices compared to the rest of Morocco. The cities of the North, specifically Tangiers, Tetouan and Nador, have thus been caught up in a new dynamic of drug consumption, moving from cannabis as a socially accepted product to injectable and sniffed drug products. These new practices have given rise to a real public health problem, with the presence of a large number of junkies5 occupying squatters and public spaces, stigmatized and outside the health care system, in a situation of social precariousness, breaking social bonds and also in economic precariousness. This place attracts more than 30, visitors every year, among them thousands of drug users from the northern cities. The latter, who become residents of this mausoleum, remain chained there for months in closed and isolated corners. Since the Ministry of Health closed down Bouya Omar in June , patients have been removed from the mausoleum and dispatched to 27 public establishments specializing in the treatment of mental illness, with a total bed capacity of no more than 1, beds. Today, the highest rate of drug addiction is observed in the north of the country. This region is home to a large proportion of drug users, particularly heroin and injecting drug users. There are mainly three sites: Tangier, Tetouan, and Nador. According to the same source, and based on the number of people seeking medical treatment, heroin and cocaine use affects all social classes and age groups. Despite the achievements made in terms of the provision of care and medical treatment, which have expanded considerably in recent years with the establishment of addiction centers and the adoption of opiate substitution treatment methadone 6, Morocco maintains the status quo in terms of the criminal treatment of drug users of all kinds. Drug use is still governed by Decree Law No. Azeddine Khalfaoui professor at Moulay Ismail University for his reading and corrections to the English version of this text. An official account. Such treatment must be carried out either in a therapeutic establishment under the conditions laid down in article 80 of the Criminal Code or in a private clinic approved by the Ministry of Public Health. This doctor alone will be qualified to assess the state of recovery. If the drug user is again the perpetrator of an offence of drug use or drug trafficking, within three years from the start of his medical treatment, a new criminal prosecution will be initiated, with cumulative penalties, both for the old offence and for the new offence. In the absence of specialized centers for the treatment of drug users, systematic recourse to imprisonment remains the general rule, with the exception of individuals from wealthy families with links to power. It is worth recalling here the tolerance of police officers and magistrates towards arrested persons, particularly when it concerns only the use and not the trafficking of drugs and when the quantity seized does not exceed a few doses for personal and daily use. Based on an ethnographic approach in the city of Tangier, this article attempts to understand how the career of the Junkies takes place, and how the social barriers that separate drug addicts, particularly heroin addicts, from the rest of society are set up. Anthropological work, despite the elementary nature of drug research, has succeeded in showing the differentiation between use, abuse, and dependence. They have thus introduced another nuance, shifting the focus from the product to the behaviours, but also pointing out that not all drug users are drug addicts Decorte This work has also rejected the dominant idea of drug users as sick individuals. In this study of the phenomenon, we focus on how users play on the sick category to gain social status. Indeed, it is important not to impose a theoretical or analytical framework. We start from the premise that the diversity of the field gives us the opportunity to better understand drug use in different cultural, social and economic contexts. The identity of a Junky is forged in the rituals and rules of drug use, and this identity is structured in relation to the availability of the product, the places of consumption and the processes of selfregulation. The identity of the junkie results from the socio-spatial context, that of life in squats. As soon as they start to drift, heroin or crack users are involved in a double process of learning and distance. The Mono8 Junky: how do you become one? Through observation and discussion with junkie people, we come to understand what might be the common thread among all people who use drugs. It is true that the stories are different from one junkie to another, but they all agree on the issue of stopping taking drugs. Thus, learning to feel the Mono is a kind of rite of entry into the community knowing that the Mono is never defined and determined. It is 8 Withdrawal, locally called mono, is the medical and cultural term for drug dependence. But, whatever the causes, when it comes to heroin and cocaine, the first uses are generally in a festive and playful context. Often, the setting of a discotheque or the atmosphere of a party facilitate initiation and help to achieve a state of euphoria at all costs, especially as it is easy to obtain drugs from friends and acquaintances at parties. This festive atmosphere and the strong sensations felt by the new initiates impress the spirits and provide a strong desire to repeat the experience, and so on The Junkies relate, with nostalgia and sorrow, the sensations they felt when they reached the flash point with their first doses of heroin or cocaine. From the very first use, the initiate feels an irresistible urge to take cocaine again. The symptom of Mono acting, the access to the drug and its use then proceed from an individual approach. And out of fear of experiencing the horrors of Mono and reliving the behavioral consequences, each insider buys his or her doses for his or her own account. We buy a quarto a quarter of a gram for the whole night. And since we work all day long, we wear a few shifts to work so that we can use them during the rest hour and without being noticed by our colleagues and managers. Then I started to get white powder on my own. For subsequent use, Mono becomes a wellfounded practical rule governing the relationship of the junky to the product consumed. Thus, he or she reaches the status of a true junky, busy trying not to end up in a state of Mono. And to believe it, one must learn to feel it. What is Mono? How does the junky describe it? How does he experience it? I worked like everyone else, with a salary and a family. May God forgive me. I sold everything I had in my room. I sold my clothes. And how many times I took things from the house and sold them to get some heroin. One day, my brothers changed the keys of the door of the house and kicked me out. From the very first takes, new junkies have to undergo an initiation rite to discover Mono. Junkies also experience the state of Mono and endure the psychological or behavioral changes induced by stopping taking heroin or cocaine. A simple change in mood or a little boredom is then interpreted as symptoms of a craving that can only be remedied by taking cocaine or heroin. This repeated process will reinforce the need to take drugs as the only recourse. As a result, he becomes accustomed to describing any physical disturbance as resulting from Mono, and every behavioral change, however insignificant, is interpreted as a manifestation of a state of withdrawal. And when this becomes clear, the initiate reorganizes his entire physical and psychological lifestyle to the rhythm of his heroin or cocaine use. We witnessed a conversation between two junkies, Youssef, 19, and Tawfiq, 40, both from a downtown squat in Tangier. The former has been using heroin by smoking for almost a month, and cocaine by sniffing for a few months. The second is a heroin addict by smoking for more than ten years. The first exchanges of their conversation are quite edifying: reached so that the Mono state is never reached. This state can also take various forms depending on the course of use of each junky and the product used. For heroin users, they present their condition as a disease that affects their body to the point of putting them in a state of anxiety. The dependent consumer is then confronted with a whole process of estrangement that he has to face. He or she is labelled as a junky - an eminently pejorative term - and is viewed with great distance by the - Youssef: Hello Tawfiq. How are you brothers? I spent the whole night throwing up so much also of accepted consumption, for years trying to that I woke up the whole family. Did you smoke Kharba: a lifestyle to be learned this morning? It all started with parties and discos with friends. Then I ended up in the kharba squats No other diagnosis apart from that of the Mono from this experienced heroin addict. The Mono, by the force of conviction it generates, makes it possible to conceptualize the meaning of drug use in the new initiate, who will then become permanently addicted to drugs in order to avoid falling prey to the harsh symptoms of Mono. Paradoxically, the proven junky is not really worried about Mono, being always looking for doses so as to never be in a situation of withdrawal. The following terms with which a junky calls on the services of the mobile harm reduction team RDR during the implementation of the syringe exchange programme are a good illustration of the sustained rhythm of heroin use in relation to the feared prospect of Mono. Mono is not a state of pain that must be relieved, but a number of dosages that must be with the junkies, as you can see. Coca gives the impression of perfect well-being and joy. To get there, you have to take Valium, an anxiolytic depressant. After that nothing relieves my Mono. To suppress it, a friend of mine offered me heroin. I experimented with it and felt its effects. But this time the Mono is harder and unbearable. As soon as pleasure gives way to Mono, the junky creates his own squat which takes shape, at first, in his own room. He then finds himself alone and quickly forced to move elsewhere when he feels that his practice and his behavior are a disgrace to his family. Other users are simply rejected and ostracized by their own families. It is obvious that this form of intimate violence, at once interior, profound and traumatic, is not without lasting impact on the life of the junky who, for want of anything better, finds in the kharba a substitute for life where he can spend years and years. Certainly, this ambivalent feeling plays on the way the junky gives meaning and significance to Mono and life in kharba. So, what is kharba? Thus, understanding the invisible and unconscious coercion of what Bourgois and Schonberg call intimate apartheid, allows us to unravel the symbolic violence that blames users who are victims of different forms of violence. Leaving willingly or by force, the junky is forced to deprive himself of everything that belonged to him, in a form of dramatic violence. The majority of them present themselves to us in the grip of terrible moral suffering for having missed out on their life in society and betrayed their group of belonging. But how does one manage to live in kharba? The whole history of the junky is built around life in the squats. To start using heroin or crack, the junky has to create his own squat, out of sight of his family members. At that point, a whole process of distancing and estrangement begins. The forms of separation between family and junky are different from one family to another. Some families will reserve a separate room for the user, often on the roof of the house, while others prefer to pay for a rental room away from home, to avoid being blamed by neighbors. In extreme cases, some junkies are imprisoned at the request of their own families. The stigmatizing judgment that has been passed on users since the early s has changed the situation. Today squats are everywhere in the city. As soon as some construction works make them disappear, others are created. The kharba is at the same time a place of initiation, consumption and a precarious, calamitous and miserable place to live. At first glance, the kharba appears to be a place for the marginalized and homeless, without any other considerations. As soon as you approach it, you can better perceive its structure and its dilapidated state: here, a room with decaying walls and a roof almost demolished, the floor more or less broken, is strewn with used syringes, straws and small plastic water bottles commonly used to smoke crack. Aluminum foil used to smoke kahla heroin , left behind, is 10 The name given to heroin in the northern region. In addition, garbage from elsewhere is collected in abundance, with a view to a hypothetical resale. The kharba are marginalized places, they are the object of multiple interventions by the police who constantly try to evacuate them, prioritizing those most exposed to public view, especially when the junkies are seen. Once evacuated, the junkies look in the same neighborhood or in the most peripheral corners for another location. Thus, apart from a few visible squats where the junkies only pass through, the time to consume heroin, the hidden squats, more or less structured, nevertheless function as places of organized life and assumed consumption. However, the kharba is also a place of initiation and consumption for some people who are used to the place, who are nevertheless socially inserted users with work and family. These new or uninitiated people come here to get their crack or heroin supplies, and benefit from the knowhow on the spot. And it is not uncommon to see consumption sessions during which the visitors of the moment bring their own dose of crack or heroin and share the water pipe when it comes to crack and the straw to smoke heroin. He invests all his time to respond to the urgent need to obtain the product. For this the junky develops an original form of life in the kharba. In the street, wandering, he can be identified by his neglected, even shabby clothes and the disheartening visible parts: hair in a mess, an old, unshaved face, marked by acne that has never been treated and premature wrinkles, a fleeting, sometimes angry disgruntled look, dirty and discoloured hands and fingers But, paradoxically, when people come across him on the street, and even more so when they come into contact with him, they can only feel pity for him and implore God, merciful, and providence to forgive him and help him to get out of it. This correlation is eminently truncated. Indeed, the acts of delinquency committed by junkies are much more related to squats, to the mimicry effect that occurs there and to other elements of the lifestyle that develops there, than to drug use in the strict sense of the term. This process can be presented in terms of the linear triptych: drug squat - crime may help explain why substitution treatment has not limited the crime rate among the junkie population still living in the kharba. However, this finding of causality must be put into perspective: the junkie, not having the physical ability to commit theft, is forced to engage in other practices such as begging, on the streets. But this recourse to begging exposes him to hyper-visibility and hyper-vulnerability. This situation of hyper-visibility and hyper-vulnerability can provoke all sorts of humiliations and different forms of violence coming from a fringe of society that is not inclined to rub shoulders with marginality. In these circumstances, the women to whom the junkies beg, in particular, often feel assaulted in this way and look nearby for a man who will know how to defend them. Junkies thus distinguish between two types of drugs used in two different contexts. While kahla is a necessary drug that brings temporary serenity, ecstasy is a drug of means, it is used to produce a state of unconsciousness that facilitates the transition to an act deemed violent. But this does not mean, however, that the humiliating act of begging is more difficult to assume than the more or less violent act of delinquency. This truth defended by many junkies shows one of the properties of the concept of Mono, which should in no way be attributable to the drug itself, but to the pain felt from living with the drug in a squat and the desperate and endless efforts to relieve it. The motives for taking action constitute, in a way, a moral order in the sense that these atrocities generated by the Mono are unbearable mortal and that to save his body is the only priority. First are the epistemic trajectories marked by the process of dependency as they evolve over time and across institutional domains. In second place are the therapeutic trajectories that are linked to drug use. Finally, we find the experiential and experimental trajectories of life constituted by the fields of dependence and subjectivity. The junky tries to find a new identity to renegotiate his return to society, presenting his drug use as an illness requiring urgent medical intervention. Heroin addiction leads the user to a break-up. The fatal descent, characterized by great precariousness and a calamitous way of life, presents itself as a process of decomposition and destruction which first affects social relations, especially with the family, and then the people themselves, in their physical and moral integrity. However, this deadly situation never totally destroys the hope, one day soon, of getting out of it and thus renewing family and social ties. But this return is never given definitively. From this perspective, the use of methadone is seen as an instrument not only of treatment, but also of resilience. Methadone produces a new symbolic order; it serves as access to the category of patient. Immersed in this therapy, the junky makes a real effort to be recognized differently by his family, and more broadly by society. By referring to the category of patient he claims to be, he fiercely defends his behavior as that of a simple patient, with all the means and resources he will be able to use. This irreversible shift, which the introduction of methadone into the treatment of heroin addicts in particular has produced, has not only had an impact on social perceptions and representations, but has also created a new category, that of user-patients. Drug use is now regarded as a chronic disease that may require, among other measures, hospitalization. In in the Beni-Makada district, Tangier, dozens of young heroin addicts organized a sit-in, chanting, on the one hand, that they were victims of the lack of medical services that could guarantee them proper treatment and, on the other hand, they demanded methadone substitution treatment. Although, in material and legal terms, there have been no real changes, with the exception of the creation of associations and health care institutions, we must nevertheless face the facts and agree that, at the level of popular perception, a different way of apprehending and making value judgements with regard to drug users and consumers has taken place. They are no longer seen as delinquent individuals or, at best, as marginalized secants, but as a distinct entity of a health nature, constituting a category in its own right. Based on this reality, it must be noted that the junky borrows new categorical devices to judge, classify and thus redefine his social identity to restore self-esteem. However, the return to family and society is not always without problems. If integration into the treatment program allows the junky to find a new place for himself, it is no less true that the fact of starting to use heroin or crack again, even occasionally, will reactivate his stigmatization as a junky and expose him to a new total social breakdown. He has been a heroin user for 20 years. He has started his opiate substitution treatment with methadone for four months. I am not a son of a bitch to forget all that she did for me. We have been married for a long time out of love, she has been working forever. When my parents threw me out on the street, she was the one taking care of me and our kid. I got a job two weeks ago in a carpentry shop. I make good money and the boss pays me every week. This week, as usual I went shopping, and God forgive me I went to the Beznass dealer to get a gram of biat white-Cocaine. We both spent the whole night smoking Since the s, the ethnographic literature on street drug use has emphasized the importance of the lived worlds of consumption and the personal identities of drug users. Subsequent anthropological work, based on field ethnography, has emphasized the importance of the cultural order of drug use Preble and Casey Others have used ethnography to better understand and represent the world as it has actually been seen and experienced by dependent users Friedman al In the various works that followed, we note a stance that attempts to counter simplistic stereotypes and narrow pathological narratives about dependent users. The next day, as soon as I got home with dark eyes my wife asked me for the rest of the money. I told the truth. Bourgois P. Ethnic dimensions of habitus among by. Indeed, for some families, pp 7—31, DOI : She started shouting out loud. She hit me violently and threw my clothes and objects into the street. Rivoirard A. Collin J andSuissa A. Decorte T. Dubois V. Escande C. Friedman S. Goffman E. Singer M. Pp , Preble E and Casey J. Int J Addict 4, pp 1—24, Afghanistan Camila Tunjano. A funny thing happened on the way to Mecca Damien Mackey. Scythian rulers in India, geography and anthroponyms of Indo-Saka Scythian rulers and a survey of the specificities of their different coins. Understanding the Bach Dang battlefield from recent research results Mark Staniforth. ISO David Omotayo. Charge transfer reactions of oligo-decker sandwich compounds Wolfgang Schmickler. Yothin Chanthasumlet. Nerve growth factor synthesis by mouse submandibular gland cells in culture Margaret Fahnestock. Related topics Anthropology Sociologists.

The Backpacker’s Travel Guide to Fes, Morocco | 2024

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A law is currently being debated in Morocco that would legalise the cultivation and export of medicinal cannabis. For many small farmers, this would bring considerable advantages. But the bill is controversial. By Cathrin Schaer. Should draft legislation clear the final hurdles in the next few weeks, Morocco could become the second Arab country to legalise cannabis. Lebanon was the first in According to various international agencies, including the UN and the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, Morocco is one of the world's largest producers of cannabis and the biggest supplier of illegal by-products such as hashish that are bound for the EU. Legalising cannabis for medical and industrial purposes could have a positive impact on around a million subsistence farmers, mostly in the north of the country. The law has become one of the most divisive topics in the run-up to Morocco's national elections in September. Mouna studies cannabis-grower communities. Cannabis legalisation has been suggested before in Morocco. Mouna said that had mostly been a tactic to gain the support of voters in deprived cannabis-growing areas. This time could be different, said Tom Blickman, a researcher on international drugs policy for the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute. Morocco was the only member country from the region to vote with other nations who also wanted to reclassify cannabis. The World Health Organization has recommended that cannabis be removed from a list of dangerous drugs so that medical usage can be researched. The UN vote, which saw the motion passed by a narrow margin, cleared the way for Moroccan Interior Minister Abdelouafi Laftit to introduce the draft law on cannabis legalisation in Parliament in April. The government has approved the bill: Now MPs must ratify it. Presenting the bill, Laftit said legalising cannabis would help improve the lives of low-income cannabis farmers, extract them from international drug smuggling networks and lead to better environmental outcomes in areas of Morocco where the crop is traditionally grown. Most of the country's cannabis comes from the economically depressed Rif region in the north, where farms are an open secret. But at the same time that farms are tolerated, the farmers themselves often live in poverty and fear. The draft bill proposes a national agency for cannabis and farmers' cooperatives to regulate the sector. If cannabis were legalised, 'Morocco would be ideally positioned to reap a huge influx in investment toward the infrastructure necessary to serve its lucrative market,' a report by cannabis market research company New Frontier Data concluded. The researchers added that it would also allow the Moroccan growers to diversify into other cannabis-related products. There are some serious political obstacles being placed in the way of an official cannabis industry in Morocco though. A senior member of the Moroccan Justice and Development Party PJD , Abdelilah Benkirane, also a former prime minister, suspended his membership in the conservative, Islamist party this month. He did so because the PJD had dropped its opposition to legalising cannabis cultivation for medical and industrial purposes. The PJD leads the current coalition government but has lost popular support during the pandemic. Politicians also vigorously debated which parliamentary committees would need to vet the draft bill. Critics said this was another way of prolonging its passage. And, in April, farmers' groups in northern cannabis-producing regions announced that they also want to amend the draft law. Many say they were not adequately consulted. For example, the legalisation of cannabis farming may cause operations to set up in regions more suitable for agriculture. Farmers in the north therefore want to restrict future growing to areas where the crop has historically been tended. Legalisation could also lower prices they get for their crops. The farmers are also calling for an amnesty for the more than 40, people involved in the trade for whom arrest warrants are currently circulating. Blickman said EU governments could do more to help support the legalisation campaign in Morocco by emphasising what is known as 'alternative development. At first, alternative development meant finding other sources of income for farmers who had been involved in growing illicit drug crops, such as bananas, cocoa, coffee, livestock or even fish. Cannabis, for medical use, has recently become one of those alternatives. Driss Benhima, a former director of the government-run Development Agency of Northern Morocco who has led multiple studies of cannabis farming in the area and advised the government on the topic, agreed that if Europe facilitated imports, it would help his country. Firstly, he says, it will help preserve the natural environment, 'which is deeply harmed by the intensive agriculture used in the illicit cannabis production. Maghreb and the EU. The start of a campaign: At the beginning of December , the World Health Organization recommended that cannabis be removed from the list of dangerous drugs in order to allow its medical use. This cleared the way for Moroccan Interior Minister Abdelouafi Laftit to introduce the draft law on cannabis legalisation to parliament in April. The government has since approved the bill. Now it just has to be ratified by the members of parliament. Decent revenues, social integration, environmental protection? Concerns remain. Farmers' groups in the northern cannabis regions have announced that they want to change the draft law. Their objection: legalising cannabis cultivation could lead to future farms settling in regions better suited for conventional agriculture. Farmers want to limit future cultivation to those areas where the plant has always been grown. They also fear that the legislation could cause a drop in prices and thus in their income. In addition, the farmers have called for an amnesty for those over 40, people involved in the illegal cannabis trade against whom arrest warrants have been issued.

Meknes buy cocaine