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Days of Blunder: Bike Lane Ticket Bonanza for Drag Racers
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Politicians have decried it, residents have complained about it and cops have gone to war with it. In interviews with the BGA, racers said police show up in their squad cars to disperse the crowds, record their license plate numbers and send them tickets in the mail. Big Marsh, a reclaimed industrial site east of the Bishop Ford expressway, opened to the public six years ago. A privately-owned backwater of landfills and the steel industry for the better part of the last century, the wetland has since become a southeast side oasis for bicycling, bird-watching and trail-hiking. When the land was closed to the public, the empty half-mile stretch of Stony Island Avenue made for an ideal drag racing spot — no through-traffic, no driveways, no cross streets, no mom-and-pop businesses or humans getting in the way. Susan Sadlowski Garza, whose 10th ward encompasses the park, said that her year-old grandmother remembers people racing at the site. In March , a year-old Chicago man was ticketed after reversing his Dodge Challenger into the marsh while doing donuts, police records show. This local tradition has proven very dangerous. None of the crashes involved cyclists. Chicago police have issued more than bike lane violations to vehicles on the stretch of Stony Island avenue leading to Big Marsh Park since the ticketing practice began in December There have also been 30 crashes along the road going back to November , when the park opened. Map by Casey Toner. According to data analyzed by the BGA, Chicago police have issued three speeding tickets on the road leading to Big Marsh Park beginning in , when the deluge of bike lane tickets began. They have not impounded any cars, issued drag racing tickets or made drag racing arrests on that road since. Jason Henricy, 42, said that when he raced there in the early s, police would position themselves at the south end of Stony Island, get a train conductor to park a train on the tracks on the north end of Stony Island and then write tickets to the racers stuck in between. On a sunny Sunday afternoon in August, a handful of racers gathered at the site and waited for challengers. The scene showcased the casual comfort of the Big Marsh racing scene. City officials and park advocates say that speed bumps or cameras are needed to put the brakes on racing, and they may soon be coming. Drag racing is part of that. Garza said she is pushing to install speed bumps down Stony Island or score the pavement. But she drew the line at speed cameras, which she opposes, claiming that the racers would quickly destroy them with bats. According to city records, speed cameras citywide have issued Posted near parks and schools, the speed cameras are designed to improve pedestrian safety by ticketing cars that go as fast as six miles per hour over the speed limit. At Big Marsh, racers can exceed miles per hour. Even then, she said that a midnight police officer frequently disperses racing crowds at the marsh. Sometimes three times a week. The drag racing has stopped some from using the park as intended. Allison Beaulieu-Cholke, said she will take her children and dogs to the park in the daytime, but never in the early evening, due to the drag racers. It is unclear why city officials have chosen tickets that amount to a wrist slap when harsher penalties are available. Under political pressure stemming from high-profile drag races and car stunts that have taken place on Lower Wacker Drive and elsewhere in the city, the City Council approved an ordinance earlier this summer that empowers police to impound cars involved in illegal drag racing even if the driver is not there when the car is identified. The City of Chicago, after receiving numerous inquiries from a BGA reporter, increased their surveillance at the marsh. Raymond Galloway, a year-old line cook at a Chicago soul food restaurant, got arrested on the West Side twice this year carrying small amounts of heroin. Both times, the courts quickly tossed out his charges. Galloway is among tens of thousands of Chicagoans — mostly Black men — who have been jailed in the past two decades on drug charges everyone knew from the beginning were never going to stick, an investigation by the Chicago Sun-Times and the Better Government Association has found. Along with their freedom and their dignity, Galloway and others have lost jobs and homes and relationships. And they often struggle to pay bills while fighting their addictions. Child support, I got kids to take care of. In addition to the human toll, this constant churn of dead-end arrests costs taxpayers tens of millions of dollars every year. The examination disregarded arrests involving marijuana, which has been decriminalized in Illinois. About half of the drug possession cases in Chicago between and — about , — were dropped at their earliest stages. These dead-end arrests are the result of a long-standing, commonly understood rule among prosecutors not to pursue criminal charges against anyone caught with user-level amounts — around a gram, according to interviews with judges, prosecutors and defense attorneys, as well as an examination of hundreds of case files. Under Illinois law, all drug possession cases involving less than 15 grams — as little as a single pill of Xanax or a grain of heroin — are lumped together under the same felony offense, making it impossible to isolate statistics for specific quantities. To examine the lowest-level cases, the BGA and Sun-Times reviewed a random sample of arrest reports from to determine the exact weight of the drugs listed. Previously, she said, that often took weeks. When people are arrested, they have a bail hearing. Then, the case goes to a preliminary hearing. The Chicago police have begun a diversion program to allow some people caught with small amounts of drugs to go into treatment instead of the courts, but the program — which began in — benefits only a small fraction who meet the stringent entry requirements. Over the past three years, Illinois lawmakers have unsuccessfully proposed downgrading possession of small amounts of drugs from a felony to a misdemeanor. In the boldest such reform, Oregon voters recently approved a measure that decriminalizes possession of small amounts of drugs. Galloway said he first snorted heroin a few years ago while he was partying with friends. Click here to read the results of our questionnaire. In June, he was arrested for possession of 2 grams of heroin and ordered to live in another halfway house. That case was tossed out, too. The judge let him return to his Uptown apartment but ordered him not to leave except to get his daily methadone treatment to keep from going into a withdrawal. He returned to work at a soul food restaurant, where he prepares yams, collard greens and other comfort food. His legal woes are an exception in the majority of drug cases: For seven of 10 people charged only for drug possession, it was their first and only charge since , records show. The 11th district has twice the drug arrests of any other police district in the city. Every day, people pull off the highway to buy drugs in open-air markets on side streets, alleys and vacant lots on the West Side. And every day, some get arrested for having small amounts of heroin, cocaine or illicit pills. Decades ago, movie palaces and fur stores anchored a glittering hub of commerce along Madison Avenue just west of Garfield Park. And about a mile away, Sears once operated a massive distribution center. There were plenty of jobs. In the late s, riots triggered by the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. White people fled, and their money went with them. Sears closed its Homan Square facility in , moving its headquarters to the Sears Tower. Life expectancy in West Garfield Park is 68 years — 15 years less than in mostly white Edison Park on the Northwest Side, according to census data. Jobs are scarce. So are grocery stores. Anthony Iton, a national expert on the effects of poverty and racism on public health. To support this kind of independent investigative journalism, you can sign up for a Chicago Sun-Times subscription or donate to the Better Government Association. South Side gangs used to deal drugs outside the Robert Taylor Homes and other public housing complexes. But the high rises were torn down, and times have changed. On the West Side, people of all walks of life drive or walk up to the outdoor drug markets. On just one block in West Garfield Park, five people were arrested on drug charges over the past year, five people were shot, and seven people were charged with carrying guns. Last year, the 11th police district, which includes West Garfield Park, had more killings than many cities. In , for instance, there were 82 killings in the entire city of Minneapolis, compared with 99 in the 11th district. Most of the cases get thrown out. Defendants are often seen leaving the courthouse with smiles on their faces, some pumping their fists in victory and some skipping out of the door. Before someone changes their mind. A lot of preliminary hearings for drug possession are wrapped up in less than a minute. Prosecutors decide whether to charge someone with felonies such as murders and rapes. But drug charges have always been excluded from that felony review process, in part because prosecutors would have to look at thousands of cases per year. So police officers typically decide whether to charge people with drug possession. Gino DiVito, a retired Illinois appellate judge who helped create felony review in when he was a prosecutor, said the decision was left to the cops because there was a mountain of drug possession cases every year. Unlike murder cases, drug possession arrests often hinge on the word of the officer. Some defense attorneys say that gives cops too much latitude to stop and search people for drugs. That can mean two people talking outside an Uptown L stop. Arrest reports contain head-scratchers like this one: An officer stopped a woman in Austin in after she walked through a vegetable garden in the winter. She was arrested for possession of 0. Her case was tossed out. In , while she was an instructor at Roosevelt University, Kane-Willis studied 10 weeks of drug arrests at one Cook County branch court. More than half of the possession cases for drug amounts lower than 15 grams were dismissed. That included court costs and the cost of jailing those people, the study found. But Roti, the former police supervisor, said some low-level drug arrests serve a purpose. When buffers are arrested for drug possession, they can give up information that helps build cases against violent gang members on some of the most dangerous streets in the city, he said. Roti said the number of buffers who get arrested by narcotics officers is fairly small. A lot more people who use drugs get arrested as a result of patrol officers responding to complaints from aldermen and residents about drug activity, he said. Roti said weaker drug laws — such as one being contemplated in Illinois that would make possession of 3 grams of heroin or less a misdemeanor — would benefit drug dealers and make it harder for officers to tackle citizen complaints about drug dealing. More people come up, they sell more drugs. I think people need to look at this more like a chronic disease. Roti spearheaded a CPD program that connects arrested people to treatment. The program is for people arrested with less than 1 gram of cocaine or heroin. Since the program started in , police have referred more than people to drug treatment. Addiction experts say keeping people who use drugs out of jail can save their lives. Since , Cook County Jail detainees have been asked whether they use drugs, and they get treatment to minimize withdrawals, said Matthew Walberg, a spokesman for Cook County Sheriff Tom Dart. Methadone, Suboxone and Vivitrol have been given to detainees to treat opioid addictions, he said. Detainees also are handed doses of the overdose-reversal drug naloxone when they exit the jail in case they relapse, Walberg said. More than 18, kits containing two doses have been distributed, he said. In addition to the diversion programs, community outreach groups are going straight to the heroin markets on the West Side to offer help. They provide naloxone, clean needles and syringes. They can arrange for them to get methadone treatment if they want to kick their drug habits. They also help people apply for government IDs. On a chilly morning in late September, Elizabeth Elamri and her friend Rafi walked up to outreach workers sitting at a card table on a sidewalk near Roosevelt Road and Albany Avenue. They walked away with overdose-reversal supplies. Then they went down the street and scored some heroin. Rafi said his wife once revived him with naloxone. Gail Richardson, who said she used to take heroin and was convicted of dealing drugs, is one of those workers. A change in the way drug treatment is defined by the state could help thousands of people, Devitt said. Ruddell, the civil rights lawyer, is pushing for Illinois to pass a law to reduce low-level narcotics possession offenses from felonies to misdemeanors. Low-level narcotics possession is a felony in Illinois and 26 other states. He noted that, in , then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel and police Supt. Garry McCarthy told legislators they supported making possession of less than 1 gram of a controlled substance a misdemeanor. Ruddell is an architect of a recent bill that would go even further, making possession of under 3 grams of heroin or methamphetamine and under 5 grams of cocaine a misdemeanor. The bill stalled in the spring session of the Illinois Senate after winning House approval. Police associations opposed the measure. Ruddell said the legislation would be a big step toward changing the way Chicago and other cities deal with people who use drugs. We need to focus on connecting people with access to services in their communities. Frank Main is a reporter for the Chicago Sun-Times. And prosecutors later dropped her case, saying the deputy should have written her a ticket instead of charging her with a crime. It also steers hundreds of millions of dollars into expanding treatment throughout Oregon, which regularly ranks among the worst states for substance abuse and mental health problems, as well as access to care. But records show few have entered drug treatment through the ticketing system, which the law also was supposed to encourage. Addiction specialists and healthcare professionals widely supported the Oregon measure to decriminalize drug possession, while some in the justice system did not. Here is a list of reasons that people identified as positives and negatives associated with the new law. Throughout the rest of the country, people go to jail for low-level drug possession. The analysis used data from The Circuit , a collaborative of news organizations including the BGA and Injustice Watch, that compiled Cook County court records from to More than 1. Most sheriffs and district attorneys in Oregon opposed it. Officers are supposed to confiscate and destroy the drugs, write the user a ticket and send them on their way. Supporters say Measure should end that disparity, at least for those caught with small amounts of drugs. The state also will save money because the law will prevent people from being charged and spending time in jail, officials say. About 9, people per year were being arrested in cases in which drug possession was the most serious offense, according to the ballot proposal. The money will help pay for condoms, pipes, syringes and the overdose-reversal drug naloxone, along with rent for space they can use for storage and where people who use drugs can go to relax and charge their phones. Under the law, a state hotline was set up, so people who get police-issued drug tickets can call to arrange for a substance-abuse assessment. If they get an assessment or go into treatment, the courts will toss out their fines. Through Sept. Jacob Stoner, 30, who got a ticket for methamphetamine possession, was a no-show for his Bend, Oregon, court hearing in late October, records show. But unpaid drug tickets still go through debt collection like any other kind of civil citation, officials said. If they show the judge they went through the screening or independently got drug treatment within 45 days, their tickets get dismissed, and their fines get wiped away. The police are supposed to destroy confiscated drugs after they conduct a field test to confirm what they are. But boxes of the cards sat unopened in police stations, according to Holton and others involved in the implementation of the new measure. Holton, a former U. But she said the expanded health care funding would help people whether they got a ticket or not, she said. They say drugs should be completely legalized and tested for dangerous impurities. Brandt, 38, is among the thousands the new Oregon law was intended to help. Her arms are scarred from decades of drug injections, which she said she started when she turned Brandt said she likes how the ballot initiative treats drug use as a public health problem instead of a crime. Brandt said she has injected a mix of heroin and cocaine, known as a speedball. Marshall works as a handyman at a bar and makes extra money fixing mopeds and bicycles. He and Brandt are volunteers for harm-reduction programs that help people addicted to drugs. This summer, year-old Jerry Adams was living in a tent with his cat in downtown Portland. He pointed out rampant drug use along the sidewalk where he was camping with other people. And you can see him getting the air out of his needles, about to shoot up. Oregon has one of the highest rates of homelessness in the United States, nearly four times the Illinois rate, according to census estimates. About 35 of every 10, people are homeless in Oregon compared with about eight of 10, in Illinois. And drug abuse often goes hand in hand with life on the street. So does mental illness. Adams was staying downtown because his pregnant girlfriend was living nearby in temporary housing provided by the street outreach group Outside In, which also has a needle exchange. She once had to close her office at 5 p. She recounted scenes of despair: People sleeping in the streets, doing drugs, in the grips of severe mental illness. Untreated and alone. One vocal opponent of the drug reform measure was John Haroldson, the district attorney in Benton County, home of Oregon State University. Haroldson said the state should have continued to use drug courts for low-level possession cases instead of decriminalizing those offenses. In Cook County, the courts and police have programs to divert some drug offenders away from prison, but they do little to stop the churn of dead-end drug arrests. Since , Haroldson said, people convicted of low-level felony drug possession offenses were sentenced to probation, and when they violated the conditions of their probation, they were sent to the county jail for up to six months. John Hummel, the district attorney of Deschutes County in central Oregon, strongly supported Measure and still does. Hummel, who began his career as a public defender and worked in health care policy for low-income people, said his background affected his policies when he was elected top prosecutor in Deschutes County, in which the biggest city is Bend, draws tourists for skiing, white-water rafting and mountain biking in forests of ponderosa pines, but this health-conscious area is grappling with drug problems, too. As district attorney, Hummel created a diversion program called Clean Slate to keep people who use drugs out of jail. Those with a low risk of getting rearrested are freed without charges and pointed toward health services. Those deemed likely to commit future drug offenses are assessed for possible substance-abuse disorders and other health issues. They can go to clinics that offer dental care, drug treatment and housing assistance. If they participate and stay crime-free, their arrests are expunged. Hummel said Clean Slate has reduced the number of drug users he sees again in court. That reduced the number of drug-related crimes such as thefts, Hummel said. Tobin said she started using methamphetamine when she was a teenager. It helped with her attention deficit and was cheaper than prescription drugs, she said. Last year, an officer pulled her car over on Super Bowl Sunday and found a pipe. Police said there was methamphetamine residue in it. It sets you up with counselors, therapists, whatever they feel that could be beneficial to you. The woman got into treatment because of the new law. More than people responded. The results were based on responses given by a. Soon, he was her personal trainer. The two bonded over their similar backgrounds. Foxx grew up in the now-demolished public Cabrini-Green housing complex; Johnson grew up in a rough part of Humboldt Park. When Foxx knew him, Johnson was a pound weightlifting fanatic. Now, he weighs pounds because of heroin use, which he resumed about five years ago following a long stretch of sobriety when he ran his training business and counted Foxx among his clients. Johnson was among several hundred low-level drug possession cases the Better Government Association and the Chicago Sun-Times randomly examined. The arrests were concentrated in swaths of the West Side, where drugs are sold at open-air markets, and most of the people arrested were older Black men such as Johnson. Under state law, possession of any amount of controlled substance — even just the residue left in a baggie — is an automatic felony. In interviews, Johnson revealed his relationship with Foxx during a discussion about his fitness career. For him, the arrest was humiliating. He said he stopped communicating with Foxx because he was embarrassed about his drug use and legal struggles stemming from it. He was on time every time. Johnson was arrested for drug possession in , about a year and a half after he said he started using heroin again. A Chicago police officer pulled over his car in Brighton Park while he was working as a ride-share driver. Police said they found a straw and 0. He was in jail for a week until he was released on bail. About two weeks later, his case was dismissed. Last year, the city lowered such fees, which Mayor Lori Lightfoot had promised to do during her campaign. Johnson also lost his job because of the arrest. But he said he was too ashamed about his arrest to congratulate Foxx on winning reelection in November In an interview on a Humboldt Park bench, Johnson recalled his old life as a trainer. This was during a period of sobriety he describes as one of the happiest periods of his life, when he had money, stability and peace of mind. To compile this report, the Better Government Association and Chicago Sun-Times analyzed , total drug possession arrests made in Cook County between and The data used was provided by The Circuit , a collaborative of news organizations, including the BGA and Injustice Watch, that spent years obtaining, analyzing and standardizing Cook County Circuit Court data for all criminal court cases. The data provided includes the name, age, race, arrest date, jurisdiction and information from the court docket, which includes hearing dates and case disposition. To determine how, over time, Cook County and Chicago have treated those charged with low-level drug offenses, the examination focused on only the cases in which the top charge filed against individuals was possession of less than 15 grams of a controlled substance — the lowest-felony drug charge in Illinois. Because court data available does not provide some of the information needed for the analysis, such as the precise amount of drugs less than 15 grams, reporters took a random sample of cases from the most recent year in our study — — so that they could examine the available paper records at the courthouse. This allowed reporters to collect police reports, charging documents and other records that provided much deeper detail. Cases involving marijuana charges were not considered, as those charges are treated differently under Illinois law. The broader data analysis determined the dismissal rate from all examined cases for — including cases where the weight was higher than 1 gram — was The rate of dismissal increased through the years. A confidence interval defines the probability that another sample using the same method would return a similar result if tested again. Standard error shows how much the sample differs from the whole population. The analysis also examined Chicago Police Department arrest data for to , the most recent data available. This allowed reporters to understand the geography of drug cases more clearly than was possible from the court data. These estimates include typical salary, food and uniform costs but do not include the cost of medical care or other common treatments for people brought to jail with addiction-related health issues. Spatial analysis and maps were created using geocoded data from the CPD as well as shape files of police beats , police districts and streets. Read more about the methodology of The Circuit project here , and about the process used for the charges, race, ethnicity and gender data here. Richard Gatz Jr. Purdom es un ex fiscal federal adjunto que se especializa en la defensa penal de los delitos de cuello blanco. Madigan no ha sido acusado. Getty, the son of a former mayor who went to federal prison for stealing from the village , is fending off a challenge from residents vowing reform. At stake for Getty is not only maintaining his political power and access to campaign cash, but a significant payday. The salaries have been growing steadily since Getty himself pushed the pay hikes through a compliant Lyons Village Board. Gatz said the federal investigation spurred him to run and he promised, if elected, to fight to eliminate the scheduled pay raises for elected officials and reimpose term limits. He also bought a house from a campaign contributor on land that used to be owned by the village, a questionable deal first raised by the Better Government Association and Fox 32 in The feds also searched the offices of one prominent government contractor and subpoenaed the offices of others. He did not respond to multiple messages seeking comment for this story. Purdom is a former assistant federal prosecutor who specializes in white collar criminal defense. The company then built a new house on the site and sold it to Getty without listing it on the market where it could have drawn competing offers. The company has also built other homes on lots purchased from the village at discount prices. The firm owned by Illinois asphalt and construction magnate Michael Vondra was hired by the village to fill in a quarry adjacent to village hall. Madigan has not been charged. In the west suburbs, the most prominent politicians to plead guilty to corruption charges related to the federal operation are the late state Sen. During the search of his Springfield office, federal agents sought information about Vondra and his road construction companies. A Chicago teenager pleaded with Cook County Judge James Linn to impose the maximum prison sentence on the man who sexually assaulted her and her two sisters for several years and threatened to kill them if they told anyone. No reason had to be given to boot Linn, and a new judge would be quickly appointed in his place. This finding emerges from the analysis by The Circuit, a new investigative collaboration by the nonprofit news organizations the Better Government Association, Injustice Watch and The Chicago Reporter. Linn, currently presiding over high-profile charges that actor Jussie Smollett staged a hate crime, declined to comment to The Circuit through a court spokeswoman. More than other judges, Linn showed a tendency to find defendants facing sex charges guilty but on less serious offenses. Between and , he did that at least 13 separate times in 67 bench trials involving sex charges he handled, according to the analysis. No other Cook County judge came close. Since , only a handful of sex cases were assigned each year to Linn but then quickly transferred by an SOJ to another judge. That represents a stark contrast from the period through , when Linn was randomly assigned by computer an average of almost 35 sex cases per year, the analysis found. He declined through a court spokeswoman to be interviewed for this story. Magats did not return calls or emails, and Alvarez declined to comment. While prosecutors have repeatedly sought to block Linn from hearing sex cases, their disdain for him does not carry over to other serious felonies, the analysis found. Indeed, in more than three decades on the bench, Linn has imposed lengthy sentences on sex offenders. In , for instance, he sentenced Mark Anthony Lewis to years in prison for raping a year-old North Side girl. Raul Villalobos, a longtime defense attorney and former Cook County prosecutor, said Linn, whose father also served on the Cook County bench, is unafraid of controversy. Villalobos recalled a client who faced predatory criminal sex assault charges for allegedly raping a 7-year-old boy. Linn convicted him of lesser sexual abuse charges in June and sentenced him to three years in prison. Since , prosecutors moved to SOJ Judge Ann Finley Collins, assigned to the west suburban Maywood branch, more than a dozen times on drunken-driving cases. Frank Cece Jr. Bennett Gershman, a law professor at Pace University in White Plains, New York, and an expert on prosecutorial ethics, also expressed concern that the routine substitutions of a judge could represent an overreach by prosecutors. The ability to substitute judges in Illinois was first accorded to just defense lawyers, but the Illinois Supreme Court extended the right to prosecutors in a decision more than three decades ago. On occasion, though, the regular use of SOJs by prosecutors against the same judge has become a point of contention. Clair County in Southern Illinois could not use the motions to repeatedly block a judge from hearing felony cases in an effort to force his reassignment to another court call. Prosecutors denied the allegations and took the fight — with mixed results — to the Illinois Supreme Court on a number of occasions after Holt refused to step aside from a handful of cases. Around the same time, another Black judge, James L. Rhodes, who handled juvenile cases and felonies in the south suburban Markham branch courthouse, successfully challenged prosecutors on their efforts to regularly substitute him, as well. But the judge acquitted Rowels of more serious sexual assault charges despite what authorities said was DNA evidence implicating him. Rowels, who faced at least four years in prison if he had been convicted of the more serious charges, was sentenced by Linn to days in the Cook County Jail and two years of probation. Rowels declined to comment for this story. The decision came in February , just months after Linn found Logan guilty of raping a year-old woman he met on Match. Logan had faced up to 15 years in prison before Linn downgraded the rape conviction. Attorney Daniel Kirschner, who represented the victim in a lawsuit against Logan and Match. Another decision that drew scrutiny came in Linn found George Turner III, the boys basketball coach at Walter Payton College Preparatory High School at the time of the abuse, guilty of molesting two female students but acquitted him of the more serious charges of sexually assaulting one of the teens. In an interview, one of the survivors, Camille Rodriguez —who also wanted to go public with her name for this story — said she learned not to trust the legal system after Linn cleared Turner of the more serious charges involving her in spite of her testimony at trial. Rodriguez said she still recalled Linn saying he thought something had happened but not to the degree that she had described. A lawsuit filed by Rodriguez alleged that Turner raped her repeatedly when she was a manager of the boys basketball team. Months after the jury found Fultz guilty of predatory criminal sexual assault for the repeated attacks on the three underage girls, Linn downgraded the conviction to aggravated criminal sexual abuse, a far less serious offense. In his ruling, Linn noted that state law required a life sentence for a conviction on the predatory criminal sexual assault charges and questioned whether the crime met the definition of a charge that required penetration. I cannot say that strong enough. They are absolutely objecting to the court considering this. The middle sister said in her victim impact statement that Fultz haunted her dreams, and that she lived in fear that he would follow through on his threats to kill her and her sisters if he was ever released. He was sexually abused as a child, dropped out of Harper High School as a sophomore because of a learning disability, and attempted suicide in after his young son and girlfriend were murdered, according to court records. Linn sentenced Fultz to 18 years in prison — a sharp contrast to the mandatory life sentence that he once faced. Fultz ended up serving about half that time before his release from prison. He died early this year from heart disease, records show. But thinking about where I was then and now, I am a survivor. The next month, Linn was randomly assigned the case of Cortez Foster, a homeless man accused of sexually assaulting and robbing a grandfather in Grant Park. Prosecutors quickly moved to transfer Linn from the case. Another judge later sentenced Foster to life in prison. Pero en un giro favorable para el acusado, Joseph Fultz, Linn dio un paso extraordinario e inusual al revertir el veredicto del jurado y condenarlo por un cargo sexual mucho menos grave. El predecesor de Martin, Paul Biebel Jr. Casi al mismo tiempo, otro juez afroamericano, James L. Solo unas semanas antes de la sentencia de Fultz, en mayo de , Linn hizo el sorprendente anuncio. No puedo decir esto lo suficientemente fuerte. Los fiscales se apresuraron a sacar a Linn del caso. For more than a year, Antwaun McLaren kept a spotless record while serving probation for a cocaine possession conviction, regularly checking in with his Cook County probation officer and passing urine tests to make sure that he remained drug free. But unable to find work, the year-old father of two, including a newborn son, had his cellphone service cut off after falling behind on his bill. McLaren expected to be kept on probation after a brief hearing. On that January day, Cannon ordered McLaren held without bond in the Cook County Jail until a hearing on the probation violation could be held. He remained in custody for two months before prosecutors dropped the matter. What criminal organization am I in? Attorneys — many of whom spoke on condition of anonymity out of fear of retaliation by Cannon and other judges — said Cannon has a long history of bullying behavior and verbal outbursts from the bench, insensitivity toward minorities and a noticeable prosecution preference. Cannon, who is white and a veteran of nearly 25 years on the bench, did not return repeated calls and emails seeking comment. Judge LeRoy Martin Jr. Criminal cases are randomly assigned to judges by computer. Under state law, defense attorneys and prosecutors can opt for a different judge once — twice in murder and a handful of other serious offenses. Motions to substitute can still be made later, but attorneys then must show that a judge is prejudiced against them — a difficult hurdle to overcome. Attorneys quickly removed Cannon from nearly one of every five cases cases randomly assigned to her in and the first half of , far more than any other judge, according to the analysis. The high number of SOJ motions against Cannon showed just how much she is viewed as biased and unfair and should raise concern among top court officials about her conduct, attorneys said. In time, more veteran attorneys get a good feel for how a host of judges behave, including whether they treat defendants and their lawyers with respect, show balance in their rulings, and sentence uniformly and fairly. No other judge even came close. The judge with the second most SOJs that year had 32, the analysis found. Another 10 judges had only one or two SOJs on their record for that entire year. Cannon eventually found Williams guilty. Attorneys said they were aware that a complaint against Cannon over the incident had been filed with the Illinois Judicial Inquiry Board, the state agency that investigates allegations of judicial wrongdoing but rarely leads to consequences for judges. All complaints filed with the board are kept confidential until and whether administrative charges are filed. No findings have been made public on the matter. In an emailed statement, Cook County Public Defender Amy Campanelli chalked up the change to a pilot project designed to keep her assistants on a case all the way from its inception to conclusion. She gained notoriety in , when she acquitted Chicago Police Cmdr. Two years later, special prosecutors handling charges against three Chicago cops accused of conspiring to cover up the wrongful shooting death of Black teen Laquan McDonald by a white officer quickly substituted Cannon after she was randomly assigned the hot-button case. Flint Taylor, a longtime civil rights attorney in Chicago. Taylor substituted Cannon on a post-conviction matter involving a client who alleged that he had been tortured by Chicago police detectives working under Cmdr. Jon Burge, who died in From January through June , attorneys substituted Cannon in at least six cases involving charges of battery to cops, the analysis of the court data found. He said in an interview in June that Cannon repeatedly cut him off during discussions with the judge and prosecutors in her chambers. The opinion also chastised Cannon for her personal comments in front of the jury on the quality of the defense evidence and the diligence of its investigator. In a retrial in , a Cook County jury acquitted Johnson, who has alleged in a pending lawsuit that Chicago police framed him for the murder. Cannon denied the name-calling and accused Urdangen of telling people that he hoped she would die of cancer — an allegation that Urdangen denied. At a retrial before a different judge, Washington was convicted by a jury of second-degree murder and was sentenced to 25 years in prison — far less than the year sentence that Cannon had earlier imposed. When Cannon sent McLaren to jail for missing the check-in with his probation officer two years ago, the toll of the two months in custody crippled his physical and mental health, said McLaren, who was already on disability for serious medical issues. McLaren said he became so ill he was unable to move from his cell bed and battled thoughts of suicide and fear he would die in custody. Chicago police records In March , a year-old Chicago man was ticketed after reversing his Dodge Challenger into the marsh while doing donuts, police records show. A circled red X marks the spot where the flagger stands. Spectators parked in the bike lane watch while a car does a burnout on the road leading to Big Marsh Park. Midwest Mafia channel on YouTube. They wheeled out a temporary security camera and parked it in the bike lane. Supplied photo. The police knew. The prosecutors knew. The judges knew. Yet no one has put a stop to it. And that dismissal rate has soared in the most recent years. But the idea follows a national trend of states reducing drug possession penalties. Then he got arrested for heroin possession — twice. First, he got caught with 0. An overhead view of the baseball diamonds in Garfield Park and the neighborhood just west of the park. Movie palaces and fur stores Decades ago, movie palaces and fur stores anchored a glittering hub of commerce along Madison Avenue just west of Garfield Park. Madison Street and Pulaski Road about 50 years ago. Associated Press Prosecutors decide whether to charge someone with felonies such as murders and rapes. The Chicago police get tens of thousands of such complaints every year. Still, like others in law enforcement, Roti said drug addiction is ultimately a health problem. Rochelle Wade, with the drug addiction recovery agency Thresholds, shows a man how to use naloxone to reverse a heroin overdose. Provided Ruddell, the civil rights lawyer, is pushing for Illinois to pass a law to reduce low-level narcotics possession offenses from felonies to misdemeanors. And downstate lawmakers said the bill would make drug problems worse in their communities. Alicia Hume sits on her porch with her dog, Bizzy. Hume worried she would suffer from drug withdrawal in jail after her latest arrest. Frees up prosecutors to spend more time on violent crimes. Provides a path for people to obtain a substance-use assessment, which helps them decide if they want to seek treatment for a drug addiction or related health problems. Cons Led to about 1, tickets for low-level drug possession but a low number of calls to a state hotline to get a substance-use assessment during the first half of Takes money away from traditional drug courts in which criminal defendants are compelled to enter a treatment program. Set too low a ceiling for the drug amounts that qualify for a ticket rather than an arrest. Some users say they often carry more drugs than the new law decriminalizes. Encampments like this one near Burnside Bridge are often gathering places in Portland, Oregon where drug use occurs. Jerry Adams, who this summer was living in a tent in downtown Portland, poses with his cat. People, she said, the world left behind long ago. John M. Haroldson, district attorney for Benton County, Oregon, outside the courthouse in Corvallis. Then in , low-level possession offenses were reduced to misdemeanors. There, as across Oregon, many people are arrested for methamphetamine possession. She completed the Deschutes County Clean Slate program that keeps drug users out of jail. Familiar Yes Johnson, 50, in Humboldt Park this summer. Watch the conversations about the series here. Cases were classified as advancing to the criminal phase or dismissed. Of the cases pulled, there were where the highest quantity was 1 gram or less. Additional reporting by Frank Main and Analisa Trofimuk. Traducido por Gisela Orozco. Still, the federal investigation has shown little evidence of subsiding. Less than two years after his controversial handling of a sex abuse case, Judge James Linn was bounced from at least 25 sex cases using motions for a substitution of judge, or SOJ. Alvarez expressed concern, as did Daniel Kirk, her chief of staff at the time. Revertir el dictamen de un jurado Solo unas semanas antes de la sentencia de Fultz, en mayo de , Linn hizo el sorprendente anuncio. Traducido por Jorge Mederos. Judge Cannon has been criticized for having a pro-prosecution bent. Questions of demeanor and impartiality The criticism against Cannon for her temperament and fairness goes back years. Cannon, she said, lacked empathy. Illustration: Veronica Martinez for The Circuit From January through June , attorneys substituted Cannon in at least six cases involving charges of battery to cops, the analysis of the court data found. The next week, Cannon abruptly reversed herself, withdrawing from the case. A life disrupted for a minor infraction When Cannon sent McLaren to jail for missing the check-in with his probation officer two years ago, the toll of the two months in custody crippled his physical and mental health, said McLaren, who was already on disability for serious medical issues. Have you or someone you know interacted with the Illinois criminal court system related to a drug possession charge? Yes, someone I know has interacted with the Illinois criminal court system related to a drug charge. How do you feel about the current Illinois law that makes possession of even small amounts of narcotics a felony? How would you feel about a change in the law that would make possession of small amounts of narcotics a misdemeanor? How would you feel about a change in the law that would make possession of small amounts of narcotics a ticketed offense? If that happened, would you agree with a law that also required people to get assessed for possible drug treatment?
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