Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

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Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

Police are investigating the source of ecstasy pills imprinted with a Labubu character following their recent discovery in Chiang Rai. Police officers raided a karaoke bar on Sanambin Road in tambon Bandu in Chiang Rai's Muang district after it was operating beyond the permitted time on Thursday night. The officers found six men hanging out with four teenage girls aged under Two of the men had in their possession various illicit drugs, including five ecstasy pills embossed with a figure of the popular toy, Labubu, that resembled sweets. The suspects claimed they paid baht per pill, noting that it was the first time they'd seen a Labubu-shaped ecstasy pill. Apikit Chrojprasert, the director of Narcotics Control Office Region 5, said the Lububu-shaped ecstasy pills were created to attract new, trend-savvy drug users. Deputy police chief Pol Gen Kitrat Phanphet said cartoon-shaped pills might appeal more to young people, but they are just as dangerous as other methamphetamine drugs and must be suppressed like other narcotics. Pol Gen Kitrat also reported the result of a recent crackdown across several communities and areas in Bangkok as part of a new anti-narcotic project, confirming that six million meth pills were seized, and 1, drug users and dealers were arrested during the operation. Ecstasy 'sweets' spark probe Small Medium Large. Ecstasy 'sweets' spark probe. Small Medium Large. A new generation of ecstasy pills embossed with the Labubu cartoon. Do you like the content of this article?

Cartoon ecstasy pills target Thai youths

Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

You will be redirected to OpenEdition Search. Middleman practices differ according to the economic situation, the players, and market needs. For yaa baa to reach the Thai consumer from Burma, where it is most often produced, many different types of circuits are possible. Drugs might change hands numerous times; alternatively, they might be acquired at their source directly by the final user. Inspired by the works of Nualnoi Treerat, Noppanun Wannathepsakul and Daniel Ray Lewis, 1 the following scenario presents a composite picture of the different categories of players. This short but dangerous mission is often entrusted to frontier runners. These people who are from the hill tribe minorities are known for their thorough mastery of their environment, with its torturous landscapes, and their determination to cross the border. As members of ethnic communities artificially broken up by lines of demarcation, the frontier runners share an inherent sense of both their region and themselves as trans-national. Hill minorities of the various countries of the region suffer from discriminatory policies that sometimes shade into persecution. For such individuals Thailand is a sanctuary exploited for economic rather than political ends. Traffickers bring the merchandise to small towns of the border area such as Mae Sot. They often make use of simple hiding places dug in the soil, or store the drugs in warehouses until an agent of the traffickers or a local wholesaler is ready to sell the stock. It is then transported to the customer through a drop-off point decided at the last minute. An impromptu drop-off point minimises the risks linked to the transfer. In concrete terms, it means that merchandise and money change hands in agreed-upon locations whose details are known only by the parties involved; this way, in case of a tip-off, only one link in the chain of intermediaries is arrested. This strategy is especially crucial when large quantities of drugs are involved. Several of the frontier runners who have been arrested during delivery operations well to the south were of Burmese nationality, suggesting they were on journeys to destinations in Bangkok or other important cities in the kingdom. The Thai police estimate that every day, 5, trucks carrying greater or lesser quantities of drugs leave the north of the country for southern regions. To outwit officials, those responsible for moving the drugs have become more and more inventive. Some have even staged a moving house charade, where an entire family is enlisted to hide drugs inside the household furniture. Numerous wholesalers of significant means are therefore required to sell the pills. For the largest of these, turnover varies anywhere from , tablets per day to a more typical , tablets per week. Large wholesalers generally sell to medium wholesalers in batches of 5, to 10, tablets and use sophisticated networks of informers and agents for this purpose. It is difficult to bring charges against them as they cleverly mix legal and illegal activities. It seems that each wholesaler reigns over a particular territory in which he is the sole distributor of the drug. Illicit drug wholesalers thus rarely compete against one another. Originally the term was used to describe traders of Chinese origin whose local respectability had increased as their businesses became more successful. When necessary he uses his money, friends, and networks to neutralise and possibly usurp the power of the local bureaucracy, when he himself does not take on the responsibility of an elected post. His donations serve to maintain or expand temples complexes. He finances the big, costly ceremonies dictated by society such as marriages and funerals. He shows compassion towards those that he protects and who reside in the zone under his sway. The jao pho likes to give the impression of being generous, but strictly adheres to the rule of give and take — even if the return gift is only of symbolic value. He may thus pay a high price to ensure their silence about any of his illegal activities. A police officer laments that everybody around him, including his own superior, belongs to the clan of jao pho. Go to him. Ask the jao pho. He gives you all the money you need. His influence is huge. Pasuk Phongpaichit and Sungsidh Piriyarangsang , p. In regional or national politics, a jao pho will not hesitate to support several parties simultaneously if their policies defend his interests. Before the electoral campaign of , one could observe the curious phenomenon of posters displaying together a father and his son, each of whom was supporting a different political party. In this case and others , family ties take precedence over political considerations. In zones that were the most affected by trafficking, conflicts between local notables who were attempting to seize commercial opportunities and ensure their political pre-eminence often spilled over into gangsterism. For a while, places such as Petchaburi and Chonburi even became notorious for the drug-related social insecurity that prevailed there. Put very simply, the jao pho and their minions are evidently finding it more profitable to look for new clients than to covet those whose needs are already satisfied by others. The typical chain of middlemen in chronological order is shown in the following chart. However, the existence of maverick supply lines fuels competition by diversifying supply, a prospect ultimately favouring the medium wholesaler. They generally sell methamphetamine in batches of tablets to numerous small retailers. Thai law stipulates that the production of amphetamine derivatives or their trafficking can, in some cases, justify capital punishment. Theoretically, the illegal trafficking of these tablets is punished according to the level at which the trafficker is placed — whether dealer, retailer, medium wholesaler, or wholesaler. Each one therefore tries to underplay his role in the trafficking. The consumer is protected from prosecution by the insignificant quantities of drugs in his possession, while the wholesaler is protected by his power. They lack sufficient influence to ensure their own protection, and the quantities of drugs they distribute are too significant for them to evade suspicion. Very young children are often used, as children under the age of seven cannot be taken to court according to Thai law. The risk taken in drug transport and delivery is not only physical. It is also financial, if the invested capital is subsequently lost. They also deal in retail by selling directly to the biggest consumers, those that buy in lots of 10 or 20 tablets in order to get a better price. Unit sales are reserved for small dealers. As the drug circuit functions by direct sale, dealing necessarily implies a personal relationship with the consumer. Competition between dealers is therefore based on their own personalities and the level of personal trust established with customers. The degree of secrecy prompts the customer to patronise a supplier who will be his regular. The supplier has to use tested marketing techniques to become a regular by, for example, offering free samples to new potential users in order to stimulate demand. So, consumers turn around and sell the excess to new customers, for whom they themselves become trusted suppliers. In fact, the yaa baa market spreads according to a principle of upwards social mobility. More often than not, one enters the yaa baa dealing trade by moving from the role of a consumer to that of a dealer, and then advancing to a retailer. The progression takes a certain amount of time — generally, one or two years to become a dealer and two or three more years to become a retailer. Graduating to the complex role of medium wholesalers is much less common as it requires significant capital. By dealing, the consumer will be able to pay for his own drug consumption. With a little luck, he will also earn a living. In Burma, each pill sells for 8 to 16 baht 20 to 40 euro cents whereas the Thai wholesale price ranges from 20 to 25 baht 50 to 60 euro cents. The consumer pays 70 to baht 1. This is because the final selling price is the result of a direct negotiation with the consumer. The social mobility of dealers is real, but quickly reaches its limits. However, a person with no links to the police force who wishes to earn bigger sums of money has a simple but risky alternative: he can buy independently. A vehicle is necessary for such an undertaking to evade existing networks of middlemen — something not easy for an addict to obtain, as he is often unemployed with no permanent roof over his head. Employing couriers also poses a danger if the relationships are not dependable. According to Nualnoi, Noppanun, and Lewis, as soon as one of the supply-chain middlemen acquires sufficient funds, he acts to ensure his own protection by dropping out of direct participation and designating a substitute to help him transport the drug instead. Avoiding the transport phase is of central importance so as to avoid the risk of being caught red-handed. This is why one must take care to distinguish the person in physical possession of the drug in the supply chain, from the actual owner of the illicit goods. There is likely regular contact between the traffickers and the police. The involvement of the latter can become useful at various levels. The police can supply information on future action of their units. Policemen, judges, and politicians can also allow a trafficker to escape if such officials are threatened or bribed into doing so. They generally avoid consuming drugs in public, and subpopulations of methamphetamine users tend to stay isolated from one another. But the large number of dealers makes it possible for users to procure the tablets for themselves quickly and easily. Thus, he often resorts to codes. Saichon, a social worker in a Bangkok hospital. Yaa baa is available in seemingly every nook and cranny of ordinary life in Thailand: in a restaurant, from grilled meat sellers in the street or with florists who sell garlands meant to protect drivers from road risks. The customer can also approach the local petrol station attendant, the travelling salesman who visits villages in his pick-up, the hawker who goes from sugar cane plantations to rubber plantations, the farmer, or the truck driver. The school playground is a popular place for exchanging tablets. As yaa baa traffickers increasingly focus on younger populations, schools and universities have become the leading sites for large concentrations of dealers. In these highly competitive places, margins are suppressed and prices are correspondingly low. A study conducted by Aaron Peak gives excellent insight into rural-urban regional disparities in drug consumption based on local practices and the special characteristics of each region. At Mae Sot, 70 companies employ 90, workers of primarily Burmese nationality, who live on the factory site and are not authorised to leave it except to return to the border. It is difficult to estimate the drug consumption of this population, as there are no health centres within these company ghettos. However, it seems that the major type of drug use in the factories has shifted from heroin to methamphetamine. At Mae Sot, prostitutes make up an alternative community of consumers. Some 70 per cent are reported to use yaa baa. In this case, however, methamphetamine is not one of the drugs commonly used. Between and the fishing industry flourished and 10, Burmese refugees easily found work on board fleets or in the canning industries. Then came the financial crisis, and many fishing concerns foundered. The workers they employed who were addicts were forced to switch from using heroin to the less-costly yaa baa. In Ranong, it is well known that ship owners force their crew to take a tablet every morning before the boats leave port. For selected Chiang Mai neighbourhoods, available statistical data confirm that yaa baa use prevails among younger people, particularly those between ages 16 and 25, while opium consumers are generally older and range from 31 to 40 years of age. Among Chiang Mai users, opiates are generally injected. Yaa baa is as well, but not at rates that are noticeably higher than those found elsewhere in the country. Out of 1, drug consumers identified by a local health centre there, only 28 declared using this mode of administration for yaa baa. Yaa baa use can have direct financial benefit for those who take it if they are employed since it enables them to work harder and longer. As in Chiang Mai, the consumption of drugs in Chiang Rai is segmented according to age, with yaa baa popular among those below 35 years and opium or heroin for those above. However, in certain high-altitude villages such as those where Akha tribes live, it is common to find older as well as younger users injecting methamphetamine. In this province, heroin use is extremely rare. Yaa baa , on the other hand, is believed to be far less dangerous than heroin and is readily available in ethnic minority villages. The changeover from heroin to methamphetamine among users in Mae Sai began some ten years ago, to the point where heroin use is now almost unknown. The rate of heroin use there continued to climb towards the end of the s, but it appears that in mid a radical changeover occurred in which many users switched from heroin to methamphetamine. Younger people consume mainly yaa baa , which they report using during periods of intensive schoolwork as well as for more recreational purposes. They ingest it before outings with friends and inhale it for the pleasure it gives them. Tablets are generally sold by school drop-outs. The provinces of Khon Kaen, Maha Sarakham, and Kalasin have among the highest rates of yaa baa consumption in the country. In regions of northeast Thailand near the Mekong river, youngsters reportedly cross the river in small boats to obtain ATS from Laos to avoid doing so in their own country, where the police are more vigilant and more feared. Large areas there are also dedicated to rubber cultivation, necessitating abundant labour. The harvesting period for latex in the south signals a large seasonal influx of agricultural workers coming from northern parts of the country. However, for these areas the percentage of female users among populations consuming psychotropic substances is almost nil, or in any case, far lower than the national average. This factor is probably related to the social control exerted on women in these provinces where the majority of the population is Muslim. In Pattani province, heroin remains the most consumed product among users, which is unique in Thailand. In the extreme south, up to 80 per cent of drug users are HIV-infected. This phenomenon scares off younger people in the region from injecting drugs, causing them instead to swell the already-substantial ranks of Thai methamphetamine consumers. In Thailand, even offerings to the temple tamboon require something to be given back in exchange. Symbolically, at least, this transaction permits one to acquire merit. Dovert, pp. The transport is sometimes taken care of by small traffickers who decide to try their luck. This stage of the supply chain is particularly competitive, but can also be lucrative. Independent operators lack inside connections to individuals in the police or Thai bureaucracy who could come to their help in case of arrest. His logic consists of ensuring the confidence of all those who surround him and preventing competition among them. However, the competition between independent dealers makes it possible to maintain relatively low prices of yaa baa. In an interview with the authors on 3 July , he reviewed the list of punishments for drug trafficking and possession in Thailand:. For this last category of crime, it is important to note that the law was amended in Most often, simple consumers are now only obliged to stay in one of the rehabilitation centres managed by the Ministry of Justice. This was done to encourage the addicts, who are considered patients and not criminals, to free themselves from their addiction by making them aware of the danger. After being examined by sworn officers, they can freely exit the centre without incurring a police record. However, in case of relapse they have to face other severe legal measures. Ketamine is a veterinary and human anaesthetic and analgesic likely to produce hallucinogenic effects. Known by the appellations Ket or Ketty, it is sniffed for its hallucinogenic effects at rave parties. The uncontrolled use of ketamine can cause loss of consciousness as well other mental disorders anxiety, panic attacks , neurological disorders temporary paralysis , and digestive disorders nausea, vomiting. Only the text can be used under the OpenEdition Books License license. Guy Faure and Laurent Schwab. Vatthana Pholsena and Oliver Tappe ed. Print edition. If you have any queries, you can write us at access\[at\]openedition. Digital reference of the chapter. Contenu principal Menu Rechercher. Catalogue of books. Share Facebook X. You will be redirected to OpenEdition Search Expression or keyword tag. In all OpenEdition. Search inside the book. Links to the book. Reading formats. Go to top of page Go to bottom of page. Yaa Baa. This book is reviewed by. Table of contents. Full text A Chain of Middlemen 1 It is not easy to describe the chain of middlemen that makes up metham-phetamine networks in Thailand. Exiting the Border Areas 3 The first objective of traffickers is to cross the border. The Clandestine Work of Medium Wholesalers 16 In the supply chain of yaa baa , medium wholesalers are usually loyal to the larger wholesalers on whom they depend. The Emergence of Retailers and Dealers from the Ranks of Consumers 20 Retailers can attain a distribution volume of up to 1, tablets per week, which they sell to small dealers. The North 36 Whereas popular use of the drug category of opiates has almost disappeared in some central and southern regions of Thailand, opiates and ATS both remain in use in the north. The South 41 The southern regions of Thailand have a fishing industry employing many thousands of refugees. In an interview with the authors on 3 July , he reviewed the list of punishments for drug trafficking and possession in Thailand: — Possession of more than g around 1, tablets : life term or capital punishment. In the same series. See more books. Buy Print edition amazon. Share URL Embed. Choose size of the embed Small xpx Medium xpx Large xpx. Paste the following HTML code to embed this page on your website. Chouvy, P. From the Producer to the Consumer. In Yaa Baa 1—. In Yaa Baa. Digital reference of the book. Yaa Baa 1—. Zotero compliant. Producers of semi-legal precursors. Hired transport agent.

Khon Kaen buying Ecstasy

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