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New on Yahoo. About our ads Advertising Careers. Yahoo Sports Yahoo Sports. Search query. Selected edition. Sign in. Fantasy Baseball. Player List. Ratings and Levels measure your performance against your opponents, based on your gameplay in Head-to-Head Leagues only. Learn More. Are you sure you want to report Pine Tar Heroin for inappropriate content? Pine Tar Heroin's Batters roster for William Contreras. L, Isaac Paredes. W, Gleyber Torres. Brendan Donovan. Thairo Estrada. Lars Nootbaar. Jackson Chourio. Pine Tar Heroin's Pitchers roster for L, ; W, Edward Cabrera. Camilo Doval. Kyle Finnegan. Jakob Junis. Jake Odorizzi. Kyle Wright. Ryne Nelson. Daniel Espino. Hunter Greene. Luis Severino. Stephen Strasburg. Batting Pitching. The rate at which the batter gets a hit when he puts the ball in play. League average is typically. A higher BABIP tends to mean the hitter produces a lot of line drives and a high exit velocity, which is a good thing for fantasy value. Percentage of fair balls hit in the air, excluding line drives pop-ups, fly balls. A batter with a higher fly ball percentage will provide more extra base opportunities, more power, and more RBI. FB - Fly Balls. Number of fair balls hit in the air, excluding line drives pop-ups, fly balls. On average, fly ball hits result in extra bases more often than ground balls. Percentage of fair balls hit on the ground. Ratio of ground balls to fly balls. Batters with an extreme grounder ratio have limited homer upside. The number of home runs hit by a batter per fly ball. Batters with a higher home run to fly ball ratio tend to hit more home runs, especially if they also have a high fly ball:ground ball ratio. ISO - Isolated Power. Isolated Power ISO measures the power of a batter. Result displays the number of extra bases a player averages per at bat. An ISO of. If you are looking for a stat that helps you identify power hitters, ISO is a great stat to use. However, it takes about a full season of data ABs to achieve statistical significance foir ISO. A rookie flashing a high ISO early in the season may not be as likely to maintain his level as player with multiple seasons with high ISO. Number of pitches thrown to batter per plate appearance. Pitches per plate appearance is a measure of a batter's patience and can serve as a leading indicator for higher on-base-percentage. RC - Runs Created. Number of runs a batter has generated for his team. This stat measures a player's offensive contribution in total runs. It does so by adding the number of times a batter gets on base to his number of extra base hits and dividing this number by his number of opportunities. A batter with more runs created is most often a valuable fantasy contributing in a number of categories. The percentage of successful stolen bases against attempts. A player with a low stolen-base percentage may be inclined -- or asked by his team -- to attempt fewer steals, thus hurting his fantasy value. Conversely, a player with a high stolen-base percentage -- provided he is active on the bases -- will likely have more latitude to steal in the future. SL - Strikeout Looking. The number of time a batter has struck out looking. Players with a higher number of strikouts looking may be having issues identifying the strike zone and thus are at risk for producing a lower batting average. TOB - Times on Base. Number of times a player has been on base. The more often a batter reaches base, the greater the chance they will score runs. Not recording outs also helps BA. Batting WAR bWAR measures a player's value as a hitter only by how many more wins he is worth than a replacement-level player at his same position. It does not account for base running, so players with the highest bWAR are not always the highest raanked players in fantasy baseball. Baserunning Wins Against replacement measures the value of a player's base-stealing performance and their base-running in non-stolen base situations by home many more wins he is worth than a replacement-level player at his same position. BrWAR is a quick way to identify the best players on the basepaths. Players with a high brWAR are potential sources of runs and stolen bases. A stat designed to measure a player's overall offensive contributions per plate appearance based on linear weights. Typically the biggest fantasy stars grade very well in this category. Weighted Runs Above Average measures how many runs a player contributes, compared with an average player. A player with a 0 wRAA would be considered average and a player with greater than 0 wRAA would be considered above average. In calculating a player's Wins Above Replacement WAR , which factors a player's offensive and defensive value, wRAA is used to represent the player's offensive contributions. The batting average of all opposing batters. The rate at which opposing batters get a hit when they put the ball in play. ERA- provides a good overview of a pitcher's value. However, because the data is normalized against the league and adjust for the pitchers home park, a pitchers value may stray from their actual fantasy value. FB - Fly Balls Allowed. Number of fly balls hit in play allowed. A pitcher with a high FB rate is more likely to be homer prone. Fielding independent pitching FIP counts only the events over which a pitcher has the most control: strikeouts, unintentional walks, hit-by-pitches and home runs. It excludes balls hit into the field of play. FIP is a great stat for evaluating pitchers for fantasy baseball to see if they are due for a correction. GB - Ground Balls Allowed. Number of ground balls hit in play allowed. Ground ball pitchers tend to allow fewer fly balls and therefore fewer home runs and hits that lead to earned runs. Percentage of ground balls allowed. The higher a pitcher's GB rate, the fewer home runs they will allow. Ratio of ground balls allowed to fly balls. IR - Inherited Runners. Number of runners inherited For relief pitchers only. Preferably the closer enters the game with no runners on base. Percentage of inherited runners who scored For relief pitchers only. Relief pitchers with a high percentage of inherited runners who scored are not going to help you win your league. These pitchers may not have a high ERA inherited runners are scored against the pitcher they relieved but their inability to prevent runs in a high-leverage situation makes them a risky own, especially if they happen to be closers. The on base percentage of all opposing batters. Number of pitches thrown per inning. The fewer pitches thrown per inning, the more efficient a pitcher is. The more efficient a pitcher is, the deeper they can go in games, giving them a better chance at a win. Number of pitches thrown per start. If a pitcher throws an excessive amount of pitches consistently, their chance of injury increases. The slugging percentage of all opposing batters. Pitchers with high opponent slugging percentage are more victimized by extra base hits and thus are more likely to struggle with ERA. Number of inherited runners left stranded For relief pitchers only. Relief pitchers with a high strand rates help the departing starters' ERA. A high strand rate also indicates closer potential for set-up men asit demonstrates the ability to succeed in high-stress situations. WAR measures a player's value across all aspects of their game pitching and defense by how many more wins he is worth than a replacement-level player at his same position. By itself WAR is more valuable for non-fantasy purposes than for fantasy players. Players with high WAR tend to be more highly ranked in fantasy but because fielding is not used in most leagues, it is less useful than other advanced stats. Week 23 stats may change when Stat corrections are applied on Monday, Sep New Player Note. No new player Notes.

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The production, distribution, and consumption of drugs has long been seen as a threat to social and economic development. On the other hand, conditions of unemployment and poverty foster expansion of illegal drug markets. The study is based on 31 in-depth interviews with male retail drug dealers in Nigeria. Findings revealed various ways the participants framed retail drug trade in connection to development. This includes, drug dealing as a pathway to social and economic mobility, drug dealing as way of mitigating youth crime, drug dealing as a response to failed development promises, and drug dealing as a means of capital formation for legitimate investment. The complex relationship between drugs and development revealed in these accounts troubles the narrow emphasis on counter-narcotics that dominate Nigerian drug policies. They indicate a need to view illegal drug trade, especially low-level distribution, as grassroots dissent from exclusionary development. Social policies designed to provide skills and opportunities for legitimate, gainful employment for at-risk youths offer scope for curbing involvement in retail drug trade. The relationship between drugs and development has emerged as a major focus of drug policy debates in recent years. However, perspectives on the nature of the relationship varies. In his seminal work, Singer described how drugs impose serious constraints on the ability of developing countries to achieve improvements across the full range of accepted development goals. He explained the relationship between drugs and development in terms of the ways drug trade creates barriers to development through poor productivity, threat to youths, health problems, corruption, and violence see also UNODC On the other hand, the link between drugs and development has been shown to be more complex than is commonly portrayed. In East Africa, for example, khat provides better income than legal crops such as coffee, contributing to improved food security and off-farm investments Carrier ; Gebissa In the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria, cannabis production provides income for cocoa farmers adversely impacted by declining terms of trade Klantschnig ; Laudati Further, enforcement-based approaches to drug control, rationalised by the negative effects of drugs, disproportionately affects marginalised groups and disadvantaged communities including local farmers, low-level drug offenders e. In this context, Singer noted that drug production and trade as a source of income for the poor in the absence of alternative employment creates a paradox for policy. It has been argued that resolving this paradox requires more than conventional, alternative development approaches that are encased within prevailing counter-narcotic policies Buxton A key highlight of current debate on drugs and development is the call to situate drug policies within development priorities, especially the sustainable development goals SDGs Bewley-Taylor In Africa, two inter-locking processes create a need to heed the call to put development at the centre of drug policy. These studies link the rise of global illicit economies to the cold war modernisation era, suggesting an intimate and integral connection between illegal and legal economies Gootenberg Although it is well known that conditions of poverty and unemployment contribute to the growth of illegal drug markets, especially in the developing world, there is still a lot to be learned about how illegal drug trade serves as a mean of social and economic advancement for the poor in the context of the failure of development promises, and processes driven by the state. Apart from nuancing the debate on the drugs and development equation, the findings could also have utility for domestic drug policy making. This study aims to contribute to this debate based on qualitative research on retail drug market in Nigeria. This explanation also applies to retail trade in illegal drugs specifically with conditions of poverty and unemployment creating both incentives and opportunities for the trade, while a large population of youths provide the resources for their exploitation. The abundant human and natural resource endowment of the country has not translated to meaningful improvement in the living conditions of citizens. Poverty in Nigeria has been attributed to widespread corruption, including embezzlement of public funds by state officials Agbiboa ; Igiebor , resulting in limited resources for funding infrastructural development and provision of basic amenities such as education and healthcare. Successive governments have professed aspirations for development Lewis , but have failed to make right on such promises. Nigeria, an ethnic mosaic, is the prize of politics, and the spoils are distributed by patrons to their political and tribal clients. In this context, the public good has routinely been subjected to parochial and narrow interests, whether personal, familial, or tribal Ebbe ; Reno Williams has written that the Nigerian state, under successive regimes, is little more than a series of glorified criminal enterprises where state officials are highly corrupt and engage in various criminal activities for personal enrichment. Over a decade of civilian government has not succeeded in creating a state that is legitimate and responsive to the needs of its citizens. The involvement of state officials in criminal activities makes it difficult for ordinary citizens to observe the law. This creates a climate of impunity that undermines the rule of law and encourages corrupt practices. This culture also fosters illegal activities in the parallel economy, including: hoarding, exchange of goods above official price, smuggling, illegal currency deals, bribery, and illicit drug trade. Ordinary citizens view state institutions and representatives e. As poverty intensifies and a youth bulge contributes to high levels of unemployment, the migration to illegal activities becomes self-perpetuating Williams Under these conditions, many young people have turned to retail drug trade, which serves an expanding domestic consumer market estimated at The Nigerian state has long relied on punitive measures to curb production, distribution, and consumption of illegal drugs Obot These measures have not reduced the supply of drugs partly because they do not address the fundamental, social, and economic conditions underpinning drug market expansion. Conversely, an environment marked by widespread corruption is conducive for illegal activities. Law enforcement systems in Nigeria are weak, corrupt, inefficient, and officials often participate in criminal activities Nelson a. In a situation where endemic corruption and impunity intersects with widespread poverty and limited opportunities for a young and rapidly increasing population, illegal activities such as illegal drug trade become attractive as an alternative means of livelihood. This study explores a recursive relationship between illegal drug trade and development, where conditions of under-development characterised by poverty and unemployment encourage participation in drug trade as a means of income generation and livelihood. It draws from 31 in-depth interviews conducted with male retail drug dealers in a Nigerian city, to explore how illegal drug trade is framed in relation to the failure of state-led development. This study was originally designed as a qualitative exploration of retail drug distribution, including entry and exit from retail drug markets, encounters with law enforcement officers, drug market violence, and navigational strategies. I did not set out to explore the relationship between development and illegal drug trade, but as is often the case in qualitative research, these issues began to emerge during interviews and probes were used to elicit more information. In this article, I draw on this segment of the data to explore how the failure of state-led development creates a context where drug trade as dissent from exclusionary development thrives. A major limitation of the study is that it is based on a small dataset because the research was not originally designed to explore these issues, and data was obtained through questions added subsequently. Future studies that focus on the links between development and illegal drug trade could elicit more data to enable a better understanding of the phenomenon. The study reported here was carried out in Uyo, the largest urban centre in Akwa Ibom state, Nigeria. The city occupies a land area of square kilometres and has an estimated population of 1,, million people World Bank Urban expansion and population growth have outstripped infrastructural development and provision of social amenities such as healthcare, education, housing, electricity, and water supply. This translates into significant social and material deprivation, including inability to meet basic needs e. A large segment of the population earns income from the informal economy, where state regulation is weak and the boundary between what is legal and illegal is permeable. The inclusion criterion was being an active commercially oriented retail dealer which means currently retailing illegal drugs to consumers for commercial profit at the time of interview. They were aged 21 to 45 years, with a mean age of 35 years. Of the 31 participants, 14 were unemployed, 6 were students, and 11 were engaged in other economic activities e. They sold different types of drugs including cocaine, heroin, and cannabis. On average, they had been selling drugs for It is also higher than earnings from other sources of income available for unskilled workers, including in the informal economy. This explains why retail drug trade is attractive for socially disadvantaged youths, and why better alternatives in the legal economy are hard to find Nelson b. Data collection was through in-depth, individual interviews using a topic guide. Some of the topics covered included: drug market violence, policing, and factors that influenced entry into the trade, which is the focus of the present analysis. Interviews were recorded with a digital device, transcribed verbatim, and anonymised. This approach was adopted because it allows different aspects of a phenomenon in this case, the development-related factors that influence retail drug trade to be captured. This was applied to code the data through line by line reading of each transcript. Coding was followed by the development of thematic charts to capture interpretations of the themes and sub-themes. The themes and sub-themes were further developed by working backwards and forwards across each transcript to make sense of the data, clarify information, and select relevant quotes. Ethical principles were followed. Interviews were conducted in locations chosen by the participants. This step was taken to reduce potential risks e. All participants were given adequate information about the study. They were also informed that they could decline to answer any question that made them uncomfortable or unsafe. All participants gave verbal consent before interviews were conducted, including the audio-recording of their responses. Participants accounts revealed different framings of illegal drug trade in relation to the failure of state-led development in Nigeria. These include socioeconomic conditions, involvement in criminal activities, failed promises of the state to provide development dividends e. These issues highlight a recursive relationship between illegal drug trade and development, where development failures incentivise drug trade while the latter serves as a means for realisation of development dividends for socially disadvantaged youths. I analyse these themes in detail throughout the following sections. The major reason most of the participants presented for their decision to start selling illegal drugs was the improvement of their socioeconomic conditions. In Nigeria, decades of economic mismanagement have given rise to poverty and unemployment. These conditions have been shown to drive many Nigerian youths into criminal activities, including illegal drugs trade, in search for means of livelihood Nelson b. The participants in this study described how conditions of poverty and privation, which affects large segments of the Nigerian populace, incentivised drug selling as a means of income generation for survival. Daniel age 36, associated with heroin, cocaine, and cannabis , who had been selling drugs for over 17 years, stated,. The reason I started selling is because of how condition is. Things are very difficult in this country. You cannot tell someone give me this or that all the time. You have to feign for yourself. So, I decided to do this business to make money so I can take care of myself. In this example, Daniel decided to sell drugs to avoid being dependent on others due to the prevailing economic situation in Nigeria. Why should I wait for them? Drug selling was not seen as a pathway to affluence, but as a means of earning income to meet basic needs. This included being able to provide for oneself and close relations e. In the absence of better alternatives, he took up drug selling to be able to fulfil this onerous responsibility. In his words:. It was when my father passed on so early that I had to do something since I was the oldest child of my mother. I was now the one to take care of the family, and I had nothing I was doing. That is why I started selling drugs. In addition to lack of legitimate alternative means of income generation, the lucrativeness of the trade in illegal drugs was seen as another factor that made it attractive for young people who are socially and economically disadvantaged. As a lucrative venture, drug selling was seen as offering potential for social and economic improvements. This is captured in the following quote by Bombo age 29, associated with cocaine and heroin , who had been selling drugs for about 10 years:. There is interest in the business. Then I noticed that with the interest involved that if you do it well, I know I will succeed. So, I went into the business. This shows that while retail drug trade was not seen as a means to affluence, it did offer opportunities for social mobility for young people located on the lowest rungs of the social hierarchy. Accounts further revealed how drug selling was part of a youthful search for social and economic independence. Idowu age 29, associated with heroin and prescription opioids , who had been selling drugs for seven years, explained why he started selling illegal drugs:. I just felt I should start selling it so I can get money. So that I will not be disturbing my parents about money because they have their own problems to solve. Anything I need, I can just buy from my own money, my pocket money. In this example, the decision to sell drugs was driven by a desire to avoid imposing further burden on parents. Financial independence, in turn, served as a means of acquiring the social recognition and status that these youths desired. Apart from describing the socioeconomic factors that influenced their decision to sell illegal drugs, participants also offered general explanations for the involvement of young people, especially socially disadvantaged youths, in illegal drug dealing. In this connection, accounts indicated how conditions of poverty and marginalisation establishes a context where young people are highly vulnerable to engaging in criminal activities as a means of survival. This view is corroborated by research linking criminal activities among Nigerian youths to pervasive poverty and unemployment e. In the following quote, Mighty age 35, associated with cannabis, heroin, and cocaine , who had been selling illegal drugs for 11 years, offered a telling explanation for youth involvement in illegal activities:. So, what will they do? How will they survive? You see, that is why they go into crime. Although such views may be seen as extreme since they de-emphasise the agency of youth criminal offenders, it is important to recognise that agency is always exercised within structural confines. This means that state responses that focus solely on criminal behaviours e. Drug selling was seen as serving the purpose of curbing involvement in crime and anti-social activities among these young people. Although the trade was known to be illegal due to the legal prohibition on trade and consumption of these drugs, it was considered a lesser crime not only because it involves willing buyers, but more so because of the benefits it offered to socially disadvantaged youths. Thus, drug selling, though prohibited in Nigerian drug laws, enjoyed social legitimacy among youths experiencing social and material disadvantages. According to some of the participants, illegal drug trade was a form of employment and a means of income generation for young people living in poverty. Ikpa age 36, associated with cannabis, cocaine, and heroin , who had been selling drugs for 13 years, explained,. Like these drugs that we are selling, it is like doing something so you can have money to take care of yourself. It is like you are doing something, and you are not just hanging around looking for what to do. People who do not have what to do are the ones who steal and do all sort of bad things. In this context, drug selling is positioned as relatively good because it provides employment that keeps people from engaging in bad things such as stealing. The illegality of the trade was, however, not lost on the participants. Instead, they called on those in position of power to consider the crime reducing potentials of drug selling in the context of poverty, and limited employment opportunities. For example, Jude age 27, associated with cannabis and heroin , who had been selling drugs for six years, stated,. Our government people only see this selling of drugs as something that is illegal. They should also see how it is helping young people to stay away from doing very bad things. They should know that people are doing this because there is no job, and those who are into it do not want to steal. In the quote above, Jude offers a critique of current drug policies that criminalises retail drug trade without considering its livelihood and crime reducing benefits. Such views urge further reflection on the criminalisation of young people who retail small quantities of drugs. As those who are directly affected by the enforcement of these laws, I felt they had a right to speak. To enable them to do so, I probed for their perspectives on drug criminalisation and how it affected them as sellers. The participants variously commented on drug criminalisation and laws enforcement, emphasising the inherent injustice of criminalising individuals who sell drugs due to unemployment and poverty by the same government that has failed in its duty to improve the living conditions of its citizens. The government people are all into arresting people for selling drugs because they say it is illegal. Yes, it is illegal. But it i. They have to get money to be able to survive. Yet, these are not considerations to enter discussions about drug control in Nigeria. This syndrome was seen as breeding lack of trust in government and as encouraging citizens to look out for themselves, including engaging in illegal activities. This was an insightful observation, which relates to a dynamic that scholars of Nigerian politics have long observed where development is less an outcome to be achieved than a rhetoric that could be invoked according to the political needs of those in power see for example, Ake In the words of Idowu,. When you have government that keeps saying they will do this and that, but will not do it. They say ok we will create jobs. But where are the jobs? So, how will you believe them. So, people are now doing their own thing to be able to survive. As a means of survival, illegal activities are here depicted as a situated response of Nigerians to the failure of state-led development. Andy stated,. For me, the way I see it, this selling of drugs is to get the things that they government have not given to us. Things like jobs, like the dividends of democracy you know. It is the way people have to get these things. Why I am saying so is because if they had provided jobs, people will not be selling. It is easy to disregard comments such as the above as an attempt to excuse wrong-doing. But the gravity of this comment comes to the fore when the antecedent wrong-doing is kept in view, vis. Viewed in this way, retail drug distribution as an attempt to compensate for the developmental failure, though inexcusable, becomes understandable. Further, it should be noted that this view of drug selling is based on the situated perspectives of socially disadvantaged individuals. As such, the import will be lost on those in a different social location e. Accounts indicated that most participants did not desire to continue selling drugs due to the risks associated with the trade. These risks include police arrest, prosecution, and stigma associated with being found out as a drug seller e. Mali age 31, associated with cocaine and heroin. For these reasons, most participants did not see a career in the trade. They viewed it as a temporary source of income to meet survival needs in the absence of viable legitimate alternatives, with some making plans to transit onto legitimate economic activities. For example, Eneh age 31, associated with cannabis, heroin, and meth , who dropped out of school due to lack of sponsorship, planned in the long term to return to school. In the interim, he intended to stop selling drugs and instead use his newly acquired tech skills to earn income:. The risk is so much. So, my plan is to finish school from where I stopped. I have been learning some skills presently. I have some skills now. I have some skills to use to make some small money. This is not to divert attention from the illegality of the trade, but to acknowledge the agency that they exercise amidst severe constraints. Yet, one cannot continue to bear such risks, hence the plan to move onto a legitimate trade. Eneh was not the only one who planned to transit to legitimate alternatives. Others viewed drug selling as means of generating the financial capital needed to start a legitimate venture. For example, Igoh age 29, associated with cannabis , who had been selling drugs for about seven years, stated that he sold drugs in order to save up money to invest in a legitimate business and thereby make his way out of the drug trade. In his words,. I have a plan that will make me leave the business of selling drugs. I decided that at the end of the month I will not sell drugs again. Once I get enough money to start the oil business I will stop. I want to sell engine-oil by the road-side. That one will give me money to take care of myself. Drug selling as a means of generating capital to invest in legitimate economic activities is situated within the context of limited access to loans from financial institutions due to lack of collaterals. It allows these socially disadvantaged Nigerians to navigate institutional constraints on small-scale enterprises through the repatriation of funds to the legal economy. Building on this literature, the present study explored how Nigerian retail drug dealers explained and rationalised their involvement in drug selling in terms of the failure of state-driven development and as an attempt to realise development benefits from below. Accounts framed retail drug trade within prevailing social and economic conditions in Nigeria. In this context, drug selling served as a means of generating income to meet basic needs for the self and dependents, as a facilitator of social mobility, and as part of a youthful search for social autonomy. I argue that the failure of the state to improve the living conditions of the citizenry, through social policies and programmes to create employment and reduce poverty, creates a context where retail trade in illegal drugs by young people living in poverty is seen as understandable. It also resonates with view that illegal drug markets are part of grassroots dissent from exclusionary development, a response to modernisation on its own terms Britto ; Gootenberg This amounts to a failure on the part of those in power to discharge the fundamental responsibilities of government to its citizens, contributing to erosion of the legitimacy of the postcolonial state, and in turn creating an environment for illegal economic activities to thrive. This study has shown that illegal economic activities, including retail drug trade, are rationalised within this context of legitimacy crisis facing the postcolonial state. In this context, drug trade serves as a means by which disenfranchised citizens seek to realise livelihood improvements on their own. Further, and closely related to the foregoing, drug selling was excused by the participants because it reduces the risk of involvement in criminal activities arising from the failure of the state to secure the livelihoods of the populace. This is an important finding, one that deserves the attention of policy makers. It can be seen here that conditions of poverty and unemployment, created by the failure of the state, to improve the fortunes of the populace, places the disenfranchised in a position where they have to choose between different types of illegal economic activities as a means of survival. In this context, retail drug trade, which involves exchange of prohibited commodities between sellers and buyers, is seen as a lesser crime that potentially offsets the risk of involvement in more serious crimes. Similarly, drug selling was viewed as a temporary diversion into the illegal economy in order to accumulate the capital needed to invest in legitimate economic ventures. This indicates that both the legal and illegal economies are intimately related, and socially disadvantaged youths switch between the two in search of livelihood opportunities. It also shows that they make choices based on comparative advantage. The responsibility lies with the Nigerian state to widen the options available to them by providing opportunities for legitimate employment. The findings further show the futility of current approaches to retail drug markets, indicating that providing legitimate employment opportunities could be more effective in reducing involvement in illegal trade. This study problematises this orthodoxy, showing how involvement in retail drug trade, by socially disadvantaged Nigerians, is rationalised under conditions of poverty and the failure of state-driven development. The study indicates the importance of addressing inequitable social and economic conditions that influence participation in illegal drug trade. This entail offering drug market actors alternative means of livelihoods by providing them skills and opportunities to engage in legitimate income generating activities, opportunities that can elevate their standard of living beyond the levels available in the local context. Such approaches are likely to succeed because they build on their aspirations to exit illegal trade. On the other hand, approaches that emphasise law enforcement risk encouraging drug trade by perpetuating the very inequitable social and economic conditions that drove these young people into the trade. In short, what is being recommended is a development-based approach that breaks with the repressive orientation of existing policies and focuses, instead, on the social and economic contexts that shape retail drug distribution. Abittey, GB. Africa in chaos. New York: St. Agbiboa, DE. Between corruption and development: The political economy of state robbery in Nigeria. Journal of Business Ethics , — Ake, C. Democracy and development in Africa. Lagos: Spectrum Books. Albin-Lackey, C. Human Rights Watch , 9: 1— Apter, A. London: University of Chicago Press. Community participation in crime prevention and control in rural Nigeria. Heliyon , 6: Bewley-Taylor, DR. Drugs and Alcohol Today , 98— Bloomer, J. Using a political ecology framework to examine extra-legal livelihood strategies: A Lesotho-based case study of cultivation of and trade in cannabis. Journal of Political Ecology , 49— Bradford, JT. Poppies, politics, and power: Afghanistan and the global history of drugs and diplomacy. Britto, L. Berkeley: University of California Press. Buxton, J. Drugs and development: The great disconnect. Policy Report , 2: Carrier, N. A respectable chew? Highs and lows in the history of Kenyan khat. New York: Palgrave. Carrier, N and Klantschnig, G. Africa and the war on drugs. London: Zed Books. International development and the global drugs trade. In: Grugel, J and Hammett, D eds. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Third World Quarterly , — Cockayne, J and Williams, P. The invisible tide: Towards an international strategy to deal with drug trafficking in West Africa. International Peace Institute Policy Paper. Ebbe, ONI. The political-criminal nexus: The Nigerian case. Trends in Organized Crime , 4 Spring : 29— The nexus among unemployment, poverty and crime in contemporary Nigeria. Reality of Politics , — Ellis, S. African Affairs , — Gebissa, E. Leaf of Allah: Khat and agricultural transformation in Hararge. Vienna: INCB. Report of the International Narcotics Control Board. Gootenberg, P. Chicken or eggs? International Journal of Drug Policy , The origins of cocaine: Colonization and failed development in the Amazon Andes. London: Routledge. Igiebor, GSO. Political corruption in Nigeria: Implications for economic development in the Fourth Republic. Journal of Developing Societies , — International Narcotics Control Board. Vienna: United Nations. Klantschnig, G. Histories of cannabis use and control in Nigeria, — Klein, A. Mules or couriers: The role of Nigerian drug couriers in the international drug trade. Laudati, A. Out of the shadows: Negotiations and networks in the cannabis trade in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Lewis, P. The dysfunctional state of Nigeria. In: Birdsall, N ed. National Bureau of Statistics. National poverty rates for Nigeria: — Revised and — Abuja, Nigeria: NBS. Nelson, EUE. International Criminal Justice Review. The socio-economic context of entry and exit from retail drug dealing: Exploring the narratives of Nigerian dealers. International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice , Obot, IS. International Journal of Drug Policy , 17— Ochela, RE. Nigeria: Blundering at The Daily Sun October Change mantra in Nigeria: The promises and expectations. Reno, W. Clandestine economies, violence and states in Africa. Journal of International Affairs , 53 Spring : — Carrying out qualitative analysis. In: Ritchie, J and Lewis, J eds. London: Sage. Singer, M. Drugs and development: The global impact of drug use and trafficking on social and economic development. International Journal of Drug Policy , — United Nations Development Programme. Addressing the development dimensions of drug policy. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. Drugs and development. Drug use in Nigeria, Williams, P. Nigerian criminal organizations. In: Paoli, L ed. London: Oxford University Press. World Bank. Population stat — Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Abstract The production, distribution, and consumption of drugs has long been seen as a threat to social and economic development. Keywords: drugs development drug policy Nigeria retail drug market. Year: Submitted on Aug 29, Accepted on Aug 5, Published on Feb 26, Peer Reviewed. CC Attribution 4. Introduction The relationship between drugs and development has emerged as a major focus of drug policy debates in recent years. Study aims This study explores a recursive relationship between illegal drug trade and development, where conditions of under-development characterised by poverty and unemployment encourage participation in drug trade as a means of income generation and livelihood. Methods and Data This study was originally designed as a qualitative exploration of retail drug distribution, including entry and exit from retail drug markets, encounters with law enforcement officers, drug market violence, and navigational strategies. The study setting The study reported here was carried out in Uyo, the largest urban centre in Akwa Ibom state, Nigeria. Interviews and data analysis Data collection was through in-depth, individual interviews using a topic guide. Ethics Ethical principles were followed. Results Participants accounts revealed different framings of illegal drug trade in relation to the failure of state-led development in Nigeria. Drug selling as a means of social and economic mobility The major reason most of the participants presented for their decision to start selling illegal drugs was the improvement of their socioeconomic conditions. Daniel age 36, associated with heroin, cocaine, and cannabis , who had been selling drugs for over 17 years, stated, The reason I started selling is because of how condition is. In his words: It was when my father passed on so early that I had to do something since I was the oldest child of my mother. This is captured in the following quote by Bombo age 29, associated with cocaine and heroin , who had been selling drugs for about 10 years: There is interest in the business. Idowu age 29, associated with heroin and prescription opioids , who had been selling drugs for seven years, explained why he started selling illegal drugs: I just felt I should start selling it so I can get money. Drug selling and prevention of youth criminality Apart from describing the socioeconomic factors that influenced their decision to sell illegal drugs, participants also offered general explanations for the involvement of young people, especially socially disadvantaged youths, in illegal drug dealing. Ikpa age 36, associated with cannabis, cocaine, and heroin , who had been selling drugs for 13 years, explained, Like these drugs that we are selling, it is like doing something so you can have money to take care of yourself. For example, Jude age 27, associated with cannabis and heroin , who had been selling drugs for six years, stated, Our government people only see this selling of drugs as something that is illegal. In the words of Idowu, When you have government that keeps saying they will do this and that, but will not do it. Andy stated, For me, the way I see it, this selling of drugs is to get the things that they government have not given to us. Drug selling as a pathway to legitimate livelihoods Accounts indicated that most participants did not desire to continue selling drugs due to the risks associated with the trade. In his words, I have a plan that will make me leave the business of selling drugs. Competing Interests The author has no competing interests to declare. References Abittey, GB.

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