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How can I buy cocaine online in Kokand

By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. According to a book published in the s, 'H is for heaven; H is for hell; H is for heroin. As most of the literature was produced in the past two decades, recent discussions of drugs in Central Asia are deeply entrenched within the discourse of 'narco-jihad', 'Islamic extremism and fundamentalism', 'insurgency', 'terrorism', 'security' and 'stability. Throughout this paper, I aim to highlight. In this third special issue published by the International Journal of Drug Policy, the authors of ten research papers and commentaries seek to provide additional knowledge on a range of issues related to illicit drugs in the region, including the epidemiology of drug use and drug-related infectious diseases and other consequences, drug treatment and harm reduction programmes, the Central Asian drug markets and actors, drug economies and the state-crime nexus. What informs these most recent papers and what questions, critical for our understanding and interpretation of the drug situation in Central Asia, do they raise? In this editorial we highlight eleven core aspects of the intensely disquieting public health situation in Central Asia, discussed in these papers. HIV, HCV, Tuberculosis and STDs ; injecting drug use, imprisonment ,poverty and stigma; drug business, state corruption, criminalisation and extortion; busted health services and poorly educated and motivated health professionals, unable to cope with the rising tide. This article provides an overview of drug consumption in the Pamirs in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and examines the evolution of the early Soviet responses to opium smoking in Soviet Badakhshan on the basis of published literature, archival materials, oral histories and medical records. The author demonstrates that biomedicine remained significantly underdeveloped in that region during the first decades of Soviet rule, with central and local authorities relying on punitive and restrictive administrative measures in their fight against drug addiction. The consequences of such administrative regulation of addiction in Soviet Badakhshan were dire: in the years between and , only few patients with the diagnosis of narkomania were hospitalized in the Tajik Republican Psychiatric Hospital, while the exact numbers of repressed drug users who perished in prisons and Gulag camps are destined to remain unknown. This paper exposes contemporary drug policy challenges in Central Asia by focusing on a single point in the history of drug control, in a single region of the global war against drugs and terrorism, and on one agency whose mission is to help make the world safer from crime, drugs and terrorism. The harm reduction agenda continues to face many challenges including resistance to substitution treatment, the harm from drug treatment, from poorly designed drug prevention programmes and from repressive counter-narcotics policies and practices. Jadavpur Journal of International Relations, The traditional concept of security is too narrow and includes military security alone, and the state was its only and ultimate reference point. Advocates of non-traditional security threats shifted the reference point of security to individual and the ultimate objective of both security and state is to provide human beings with an environment within which he can be at his best self. Despite ideological differences, certain issues were regarded to have direct consequence for individuals sharing all political ideologies and all value systems. These issues are transnational in nature and entail a transnational approach to address the non-traditional security concerns. Drugs and trafficking in drugs are such issues that as a threat to human life transcend national boundaries. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Jean-Paul Grund. The opium war at the 'roof of the world': the 'elimination' of addiction in Soviet Badakhshan Alisher Latypov. Is opium the new religion of the people? The production of opium in Afghanistan through the lenses of history, from to today Giorgia Nicatore. Opium in a time of uncertainty James T Bradford. Arsacid Crudelitas: Some Observations, 'Parthica' 25, , Edward Dabrowa. Central Asia Research Paper No. To expose numerous myths, as well as the key phases of formation and reinterpretation of Soviet drug knowledge, I draw upon an extensive analysis of a broad spectrum of sources and demonstrate what archival documentation and other materials may or may not reveal. For many observers, drugs in Central Asia have either been cultivated and consumed for centuries, or they represent an issue that barely existed until the demise of the Soviet Union. Despite the divergence of perspectives in these two types of accounts, they often serve to achieve one common objective. Both portray an ostensibly static image of drugs from time immemorial to the last decade of the twentieth century, and minimize the significance of drugs during the Soviet past, suggesting that no transformations of the local drug scene in the most extensive meaning of this term occurred during the twentieth century to merit our attention. We are mis led to conclude that knowledge of the post-Soviet period alone is sufficient for our understanding of the meanings of narcotic drugs and the ways in which Central Asians relate to them. Key to this understanding is the complex political dynamic underlying the process of transformation of these domains for over a century of Tsarist and Soviet rule. However, before we engage with the analysis of any of the above aspects, it is vital to examine how the main body of existing knowledge on drugs in Central Asia has been constituted and the conditions in which this happened. First, to date, no author in any language has comprehensively written on the historiography of narcotic drugs in this part of the world. On the other hand, by uncovering how leading Soviet psychiatrists and narcologists served as KGB agents and collaborators, this paper points to the disturbing subordination of the Soviet medical profession to the security apparatus, and the development of an unholy alliance between the two, under close supervision of the Communist Party. This symbiosis emerges as one of the most significant crosscutting issues in Soviet medical history, reaching far beyond the narrow limits of psychiatry and its drug treatment sub-specialty. More importantly, it represents a major myth that consists of numerous fabrications on each of its levels and conceals a vast amount of detail and complexities, which have rarely been discussed but were always part of the story. Early Soviet Accounts of Drug Use in Central Asia Leonid Antsyferov was perhaps the first and most widely cited author, who wrote the initial historical accounts of hashish and opium use in Soviet Central Asia in the s s. In Tashkent, his professional psychiatric career path began two years prior to the Bolshevik revolution, and by he had reached the position of the chief doctor of the republican psychiatric hospital, where he stayed until his death in See S. Antsyferov and N. In effect, the work of Kokand district physician Stepan Moravitsky, which is one of the most significant and informative sources on the use of narcotic drugs among sedentary populations in the Ferghana region of the Turkestan General Governorship, has remained virtually unknown to Soviet and post-Soviet authors. Malykin ed. I, Ashkhabad and Baku: Turkmengosizdat, , One Soviet author who mentions Moravitsky is A. While the former mainly dealt with the history and contemporary state of psychiatric care, it was also one of the few sources offering a detailed description of injecting use of an opiate called sukhta, which seems to had been practiced primarily by the non-native European drug users in some Central Asian settings in the s and s, and maybe even before the Soviet rule. Sitkovskii and P. Beliaev, A. Miskinov, L. Prozorov, L. Rozenshtein, and V. However, red teahouses hardly bothered about the prevention of narcotics use and, rather, functioned as commercial sociogastronomic institutions for the native men. Apart from a large number of publications written by health professionals, several important works were published in the s on the history of legal cultivation of opium poppy in Central Asia. Ogolevets and B. Shebalin, Opii. Some of the later publications on legal cultivation of opium poppy in Kyrgyzstan are K. Shuteev, F. Shevelev, A. Bankovsky, and V. Rapoport ed. Konovalov ed. Stalin, Sochineniia, vol. Although there was plenty of wild-growing cannabis and, at the same time, illegal cultivation and trade in narcotic drugs continued to take place in the region after the introduction of prohibition. There is a need for further evidence on whether or not this prohibition could have had any immediate impact on price, availability and consumption of hashish in Fergana. For research on repression of drug users and opium den owners in the Soviet Far East, see S. XIX v. Bolotin et al. The author of this article, G. Fetisov, discussed the prevalence of hashish smoking among the conscripts in Ferghana oblast and reported on its 14 Tikhon Iudin, Ocherki Istorii Otechestvennoi Psikhiatrii Moscow: Medgiz, , It is also worth noting that around that time the Soviet Government declared that there were no more beggars and tramps among the adult population of the Soviet Union. IarskaiaSmirnova and P. Romanov ed. One of the publicly available periodical publications on this theme is N. Kerimi and L. I, Ashkhabad and Baku: Turkmengosizdat, , ; V. Parabuchev, N. Kevdin, R. Malykin, V. Suknev, and V. I, no. Tezisy i Avtoreferaty, maia g Frunze, , ; V. Sechenova, ; A. Nokhurov, T. Kim, A. Orazov, T. Gulmuradov, and D. The first one was part of A. In support of this statement, Streliukhin lamented that in , for his own clinical trials, he could not find a single person addicted to hashish alone in the entire city of Ashkhabad, which forced him to use his students and junior co-workers as research subjects, to whom he administered cannabis. Guliamov, who discussed the history of psychiatric care in Uzbekistan and mentioned alcoholism as the only addiction of concern to the hospital between and Detengof and M. The author of this paper, who was the chief doctor of the Uzbek Republican Psychiatric Hospital and the distinguished physician of the Uzbek SSR, should not be confused with another leading Central Asian psychiatrist, M. Guliamov, who was only twenty years old at the time of publication of the above volume and by became the main figure in the Tajik mental health care services and education. Tezisy i Avtoreferaty, maia g Frunze, This paper provided three brief descriptions of patient case histories, of which two were undated and one dated back to See Iu. In that article, Streliukhin repeated his claim on gashishemania fading away in Soviet Central Asia that he had made eight years earlier. Streliukhin, S. Barkagan, S. Shirokov, and Z. Barkagan eds , vol. Korsakova 55, no. Korsakova 79, no. In this publication Babaian claimed that in the recent decades there was not a single case of heroin use in the USSR. Historian Mary Schaeffer Conroy uses a study by Sytinsky et al. Instead, they referred to heroin dependent patients from studies 26 No. Sytinsky, L. Galebskaia, and P. Tezisy i Avtoreferaty, maia g Frunze, , ; I. Korsakova 66, no. Portnov ed. Babaian and M. Guliamov ed. In some instances, the researcher had to sign an undertaking not to divulge the results. All this shifted research to the clinicalbiological side where there were fewer restrictions. Often dedicated to an anniversary or a jubilee, they usually celebrated the progress achieved and supported this by reference to the rising numbers of academic publications, hospitals, psycho-neurological and narcological dispensaries and units kabinety as well as psychiatrists and narcologists to staff them. Such features were common to Soviet medical historiography. Throughout the country, the history of medicine was a mandatory subject in the curriculum of medical institutes and universities, and yet it was not as important as clinical courses. In the Tajik Medical Institute, the history of medicine was taught at the Department of Social Hygiene and Organization of Public Health and, as was the case not only in the Soviet Union, was written by and for doctors. These histories celebrated Psikhiatrov Tadzhikistana, sentiabria g. Posviaschennoi letiiu Sovetskoi Vlasti, Dushanbe, , Morozov and M. Serbskogo, oktiabria g. Dushanbe, ; M. Guliamov and A. Guliamov and S. Guliamov and N. Posviaschennoi letiiu Sovetskoi Vlasti Dushanbe, ; M. Abuali ibn-Sino Tezisy Dokladov , iulia g. Levinson eds , Voprosy Klinicheskoi Psikhiatrii. Sbornik Rabot Kafedry Psikhiatrii, vol. LXI, no. However, Western Scholars have written several works on the history of medicine in Central Asia, including two excellent studies by Paula Michaels and Cassandra Marie Cavanaugh. But as party-stategenerated histories, they all told a similar story: drug use was rampant on the Tajik soil before the Bolsheviks arrived and they defeated addiction with their tough measures. The Tajik KGB history mentions only pre-Soviet widespread smoking of opium in the Pamirs and is silent on the response of chekists to it. A multi-volume history of Soviet frontier troops, published as a collection of archival documents, did contain many records on drug smuggling and use in Soviet Central Asia, yet it made sure to replace any sensitive data with elision marks. Nevsky, Meditsina v Tadzhikistane. Nauchnaia Meditsinskaia Biblioteka, ; similar indices exist for texts on the history of medicine in pre-revolutionary Central Asia and Uzbekistan: see, for example, K. Shishova and A. Khikmatullaev and S. On the rare occasions when this did happen, they often introduced or reinforced Soviet drug myths. They relied overwhelmingly on the analysis of the Russianlanguage central press of the late s — early s, which included some textual and numeric data related to the Central Asian republics, thus producing drug histories that were focused on the same time span as their sources. Kimberly Neuhauser, for , 34; Ia. Dushanbe: Donish, , ; M. Benediktov ed. Shevchenko, , 79; P. Zyrianov et al. See, for example, John M. Connor, and David E. One paper that was published in the English language during the Brezhnev period mentioned narcotic drugs in the USSR only very briefly, as far as anti-drug legislation was concerned: Davis E. All the same, it should mainly be judged as a literature review and even as such it was still far from complete and focused almost entirely on the content of Soviet medical texts without any serious engagement with a larger historical context. In , Soviet authorities also initiated the publication of Voprosy narkologii journal. It came out irregularly and less frequently than on annual basis. Urakov, V. Pelipas, and L. The editorial board published two comments on the new concept in the same issue, including one submitted by the head of the Kyrgyz republican narcological dispensary, and announced that it was going to publish further comments and feedback in the upcoming issues. What might be some of the alternative sources when studying the history of narcotic drugs in the Soviet Union in general and Central Asia in particular? What are the possibilities and pitfalls of using these materials? See E. Babaian and V. Korsakova 89, no. Krasnov, N. Ivanets, T. Dmitrieva, A. Kononets, and A. Kalachev, P. Sbirunov and A. Ser- Numerous medical publications on narcotic drugs that were published in the USSR in the s and s are fascinating and informative sources on a number of drug-related aspects, including, for example, the profiles of users, the patterns of use, the drugs of choice, drug treatment organizations and the provision as well as drug prevention strategies promoted by the state authorities and professionals. They can be fruitfully examined to understand how drug addiction was constructed and addressed as a medical and public health issue. With rare exceptions, these sources have not been used systematically to study the history of drugs in Central Asia and other Soviet regions. Ivanets, V. Pelipas, I. Nikiforova, M. Tsetlin, E. Koshkina, Iu. Valentik, L. Miroshnichenko, and D. Though Central Asian physicians authored a considerable number of texts in the early Soviet drug literature, none of these doctors belonged to the native populations. Written in Russian, these works primarily originated from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, the two republics that established their first narcological facilities in the s. Sergeev ed. Fitrat, Qyamat. The earlier version of this story was published by Abdurrauf Fitrat in The English language translation has been provided by Edward A. Sadriddin Aini also refers to narcotic drugs on many occasions in his reminiscences, Sadriddin Aini, Ioddoshtho, vols. As a result, a perspective offered by the early Soviet sources was usually but not always limited to the urban, mainly Russian-speaking population. Thus, generalizations about drug use in Central Asia based exclusively on such texts written by narcologists and psychiatrists would be rather problematic. These sources also tell us almost nothing about drug treatment offered by indigenous practitioners, the tabibs and other healers, who were outlawed by the state in the s but nevertheless remained popular throughout Central Asia, particularly in the early decades of Soviet rule. Yet, with nearly universal illiteracy, the lack of knowledge of the Russian language and a very limited if any prior exposure to biomedicine, these words and indeed, their meanings in the context of the Soviet biomedical project were alien to most of the natives of Central Asia. According to the early Soviet texts on drug addiction in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, when hospitalized in narcological facilities native patients were usually short-spoken and A. In particular, the arguments related to early Soviet Central Asia remained largely unchanged. The actual situation was far more complex and, against the backdrop of much greater openness reflected in numerous books, articles and documentaries, many restrictions still remained in place. The public disclosure of official statistics on drugs, for example, could not have always happened without obtaining approval from the Party. As before, both in Central Asia and in other Soviet regions \[v\]ery few \[Soviet journalists\] had ever before seen drugs or addicts, but some heard or even read something, and possibly \[had\] even written, about how horri58 The Russian State Archive of Contemporary History RGANI , f. Durandina ed. Sbornik Nauchnykh Trudov Kafedry Psikhiatrii, vol. Gurchinas, I. Gechas, A. Dembinskas, E. Tsiunene, L. Bulotaite, and E. Subatavichus eds , Voprosy Narkologii. Kondratchenko and Kh. Sharofov, and M. Now they were obliged to show how horrible drug abuse was in the motherland. So they looked for or simply invented stories of horror, and they could use American stories by substituting Moscow for New York City, and Dr. Ivanov for Dr. This, however, is not entirely accurate. Although the number of publications increased substantially from that point onward, Soviet media began to discuss the subject more broadly and openly already in the first half of , with the number of publications increasing by the end of the year. See, for example, A. However, two years earlier, in , Levin published an excellent article on Soviet myths about drugs and drug users. There were thousands of publications, many of which were written by professionals in their respective fields. Newspaper articles on drugs regularly featured interviews with key public health and law enforcement figures, although one should bear in mind that they might not have provided accurate information or might have deliberately distorted information. Nonetheless, the state-orchestrated mass media construction of the image of drug use and drug users between and is vital for our understanding of post-Soviet drug discourses and their role in sustaining and transforming that image. In countries of Central Asia, where the majority of the population accessed the press that was published in national languages, one cannot overestimate the importance of studying local newspapers. In the National Library of Tajikistan, for example, staff members suggest that all DSP publications have been made part of the general collections and that their bibliographical records were integrated into the general catalogue. There was at least one such text in Tajikistan that was published in as instructions on the identification of people with psychoactive substance dependencies in general medical practice. These two separate lists, however, are far from complete. Muhiddinov ed. Firdavsi, Kirova, ; K. Anzor Gabiani conducted a study among drug users who were known to the state authorities in Soviet Georgia. It took place between and and involved slightly more than one thousand participants, of whom were included in the final data analysis. According to Gabiani, at that time it was the first and the only sociological research among drug users in the USSR. Findings from this research were initially published in a classified publication. Ten years later, in , Gabiani carried out a follow-up study, which also took place in Georgia and enrolled 1, respondents. Results of the second study were published openly along with some comparisons between the two samples. In , Gabiani conducted two multiregional surveys, the first one — among 5, secondary school students, and the second one in the cities of Moscow and Tashkent, the Latvian SSR, Stavropolsky and Primorsky krais, Gorky, Novosibirsk and Lvov oblasts — among 2, drug addicts and users. Boris Kalachev published numerous articles on the subject of narcotic drugs in Soviet and post-Soviet journals and newspapers. They also provide essential information on the perceived scale of the drug problem in those decades, in contrast to its denial in publicly available texts and reports submitted by the Soviet government to the United Nations organizations. Saidov, A. Davlatov and N. Shokirov and V. Statisticheskie Materialy Moscow, ; and T. Berezneva, M. Preobrazhenskaia, N. Zaichenko et al. Statisticheskie Materialy Moscow, It should be stressed, however, that some of the DSP publications providing elaborate and comprehensive statistical data were printed in very limited quantities. Statisticheskie Materialy , for example, had only 70 copies released. There is little doubt that only senior specialists were able to access such literature. Many of these documents were published in large quantities and served as pillars of narcological care in the Soviet Union in the s and s. When compared to specialist journal publications on narcological care in the Soviet state, they draw a more clearly delineated picture of what governed the everyday functioning of the system. A substantial number of these decrees and instructions can now be found in the state and medical libraries of the former Soviet countries. In some cases, they can also be retrieved from electronic databases of legal and regulatory acts, which have become quite common in these countries. Part of these appeared in the Russian language in a restricted access volume. Are we to believe Shakirov and his source? Or perhaps the FSB, the post-Soviet suc- help. Agabekov, Ch. Frunze, aprelia goda Frunze, ; Zelichenko, Afganskaia Narkoekspansiia kh gg. Rusakova, A. Gilinsky ed. II Bishkek: Sham, , How can we know more about the context and circumstances in which a given text was written? What can these memoirs tell us about the history of drugs in Soviet Central Asia and, even more importantly, what can they not? Usubaliev, for example, writes that in the chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers Anastas Mikoian called the head of the RSFSR Ministry for Protection of Public Order as the Ministry of Interior was named at that time and asked him to start sending around — militia school cadets to Kyrgyzstan on an annual basis, so that they would stay there for the duration of the crop collection season and help protect the opium poppy harvest. But Kalachev and Barinov were not. Some of the militia guards detained a female kolkhoz worker with four kilograms of opium. Residents of the neighboring kolkhozes found out the news immediately and, as a sign of protest, refused to provide food to militiamen. This article provides an excellent insight into the limits and possibilities presented by these archives. Not to expand this range but rather to make it more detailed, I would also mention military archives and the archives of the Ministries of Internal Affairs. See Joseph D. Douglass, Jr. One Kyrgyzstan-based Federal Security Service officer who has a kandidat nauk degree in history and is interested in the history of drugs in Central Asia as well as in celebratory histories of the Russian border guards is Leonid Sumarokov. See, for example, L. Kniazev ed. The only paper with the focus on the early Soviet period is L. This ministry also controlled LTPs, where compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts took place. It is for these basic reasons that many of the drug-related records are housed in the MVD archives. However, these archives are normally closed to outsiders, this is why most of the late Soviet and post-Soviet drug histories were written by people with some law enforcement background. The KGB was also reportedly involved in the oversight of opium poppy eradication campaigns in Central Asia. For the Soviet past of Central Asia, some of his main sources are Azykov, Kurmanov and published archival documents on Soviet frontier troops. The trustees were mentioned in the KGB plan by their initials: family name first, followed by the given names familiia, imia, otchestvo. It was second nature to him — he had played this game during his whole scientific career. Practicing Psychiatry for Political Purposes. Folder The Chekist Anthology. They did not have to undergo any therefore did not really know all the details of genetics. He was as slick as one could be, and had no problem lying in the blink of an eye. Being completely unscrupulous both in words and in behavior, he was the perfect ambassador of Soviet psychiatry. Without such evidence, making any statements on the identities of individuals hidden behind those codenames and initials would be premature. Georgy Morozov in Tajikistan third from the right. The Operational Situation as Reported in , , and We are often inclined to consider these two groups separately and speak, for example, of the different interests of narcologists and counternarcotics agents, and of the medical and the legal bodies. There is not a single reason to believe that this situation has changed in post-Soviet Russia as well as in some, if not all, of the Central Asian countries. International Narcotics Control Board. However, after the fall of the Soviet Union, the control over the Communist Party archives with all their sensitive materials was taken over by the presidential administrations apparat prezidenta in many post-Soviet countries. In Russia, where the party archives are split between the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and the Archive of the President of the Russian Federation, the first two welcome both local and international scholars, whereas the access to the presidential archive is granted to a limited number of carefully chosen researchers. They are also far less focused on the rich cultural and medicinal uses of opiates and cannabis in Central Asia than on demonization of drugs in Central Asian society. When available and related to the Soviet period, these records can provide inter alia great insight into the collaboration between the police and narcologists in controlling drug users who were known to the state. Some of these materials deal with smuggling of narcotic drugs from Soviet Turkestan to Chinese Turkestan. The WHO records and archives in Geneva have a very extensive collection of documents on international narcotics control e. However, some records from Turkmenistan were lost due to the earthquake in Ashkhabad in Central Asian authors have also published a small number of historical studies of narcotic drugs after the demise of the Soviet Union. From the mids, when the governments of Central Asia faced increasing and large-scale trafficking of opiates from Afghanistan, articles and reports on drug abuse and drug trade in the region became quite common. Although the majority of these recent publications were primarily concerned with the contemporary situation, they often had to provide the historical background of their subject and to say something about drugs in the past. There are several key questions that may legitimately arise with regard to these works now, after we have considered in general terms the transformation of Soviet drug histories as well as historiographical implications of using and not using various sources. Particularly, how do these works approach the history of narcotic drugs in Soviet Central Asia? What kinds of sources do they use or not use, and how do they interpret their sources? See Zelichenko, Afganskaia Narkoekspansiia kh gg. But even if this was so, foreign traffickers were not the only group operating along the Soviet-Afghan border, and according to self-reported information by one former Komsomol group leader in Gorno-Badakhshan, he and his friends were able to bring drugs from Afghanistan without being caught by the border guards and law enforcement authorities since the early s, which apparently had nothing to do with the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan. In Turkmenistan, for example, KGB officials publicly acknowledged that they were able to dismantle several well-connected rings trafficking in Afghan drugs during the s. See V. Despite the opening of the region with its vast collections of archival and other materials, the situation has hardly changed in the last two decades. Until the mids, heroin was virtually unknown in the country, and other opiates were not major sources of concern. Opium had been grown in Kyrgyzstan until the s, and there was a small illicit trade in the drug, but the problem was on such a limited scale that it never merited much attention. The result is an unambiguous message: there is nothing to learn about drugs from the Soviet past. But what No. Figure 6. Furthermore, it needs to be stressed that published post-Soviet sources, which are often used by Central Asian, Russian and Western authors, such as local newspaper articles or other mass media publications, brochures produced by the local drug control agencies as well as interviews of the Central Asian drug czars, do have at least as many limits as any Soviet era-source. I am also not claiming that it is impossible to approach these sources critically and construct a meaningful narrative despite all their limitations. Although there may be different reasons and motives for state officials and law enforcement officers to say, or to not say, certain things, nowhere is the problem with the information they supply more evident than in their sidestepping of sensitive issues and avoiding getting into the problematization territory. First of all, almost none of them are historically informed. But this is not the only weakness of mass media reports as a source. Quite often they are based on the information derived from interviews or press conferences organized by the law enforcement authorities. Few interviewers though suspect the existence of restricted access manuals developed for the law enforcement officers and providing advice and recommendations on what to say and, most likely, what not to say when giving interviews to journalists. Neither does it recognize the existence of an immense literature on the use of drugs in the context of male and female entertainment in Central Respubliki Tadzhikistan, 5 Let na Strazhe Buduschego Dushanbe, , 6. Nonetheless, the above two approaches are certainly not the only ones. The former view has been informed by the body of research on subjects such as drugs, smuggling, crime and deviance in early Soviet Union. Yet, this research has been developed by a small group of Russian historians and deals primarily with the city of St. Nevertheless, given how extremely widespread opium use was in Turkmenistan compared to other republics for example, according to one estimate made by the USSR MVD, there were about thousand drug users in Turkmenistan in and how significantly it contradicted the Soviet order, this paper seems to have left a number of key how questions unanswered as well. Dobkin and A. III, St. Petersburg: Dmitrii Bulanin, , ; P. Egorov, E. Drozdov, N. Shibanova, A. Sergeev, and S. This is partly due to two interrelated contradictions. Firstly, despite the presence of numerous published and unpublished sources on various aspects of narcotic drugs in the Soviet past, until now they have remained almost entirely unknown to the majority of scholars whose research deals with the subject. However, as we take this initial step of exploding Soviet drug myths and delineating Central Asian drug history anew, it is the problematization of narcotic drugs that needs to become one of the primary concerns. The insights that this paper provides in regard to drug use and drug histories in Soviet Central Asia have multiple implications, and inevitably generate further questions, which would need to be addressed in future studies. By pointing to the repression of drug users as the Stalinist way of resolving the problem, this research suggests that Central Asia may not be the only region of the Soviet Union where repressive measures might have been applied against drug users in the late s. Soviet drug history that aims to draw a more balanced picture of the consumption of narcotic drugs and experiences of consumers needs to take this point into account very seriously. By asserting that the Soviet response to drug use was to put drug users in prison, this paper also shifts the focus to Soviet penitentiary institutions as potential sites of consumption of narcotic drugs, as well as fields of drug research. Clearly, once in jail, many drug users were forced into involuntary abstinence, but unpublished data from law enforcement bodies suggest that there was considerable drug use among certain groups of prison population. Recognizing the presence of the nexus between the Soviet state and narcotic drugs would be only one step, as such drug use would not have been possible without the knowledge and collaboration of prison authorities and possibly a whole range of other state actors, which is what we now observe, on a very large scale, in post-Soviet Central Asia. This nexus, however, has yet to be adequately covered by academic scholarship. Furthermore, this research also has a clear resonance for the contemporary post-Soviet resistance to substitution therapy. This opposition is most explicitly manifested in Russia, where the government bans it through legislation, and also in Uzbekistan, where it was discontinued in based on the results of the internal evaluation by the Ministry of Health. This group usually represented only a fraction of people with a lifetime history of drug use or active drug users. Saduakasova, A. Subkhanberdina, O. Komarova, B. Kozhakhmetova, A. Ministry of Health of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Finally, I want to finish by emphasizing that so many aspects of Soviet drug history have yet to be explored in a comprehensive fashion, and I will briefly outline only some of them here. Among the most pressing areas of concern are the regulation of a very large Soviet opium economy, the formation of drug control mechanisms, as well as processes and practices involved in the implementation and enforcement of control measures. What role did the opium economy play in the lives of those communities that grew opium both legally and illegally? While the Soviet state did not take an active part in the formation of the interwar international drug control, its role became more prominent during the Cold War era. Police Brutality Devin Ruiz. System identification of gene regulatory networks for perturbation mitigation via feedback control Mathias Foo. Lipid biomarkers for the reconstruction of deep-time environmental conditions Thomas Algeo.

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