How can I buy cocaine online in Blanes

__________________________

📍 Verified store!

📍 Guarantees! Quality! Reviews!

__________________________

▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼

▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲

How can I buy cocaine online in Blanes

This article presents analyses that have been systematised by the Gender and Drug Project of the Land, Labour and Citizenship Institute on the intersections of the topics of gender, criminal justice and drug policy. In this regard, the paper illustrates some dangers of restricting drug policy to the fields of public security or criminal justice. It also demonstrates the need to centralise gender in connection with other social markers to analyse violations and access to rights. Drug-related crimes are among the leading reasons for incarceration worldwide. Moreover, various studies have analysed the sizable impact of drug policy on female incarceration. It was in this context that the Gender and Drug Project emerged in with the intention of mapping and analysing this discussion on drug policies in the context of female incarceration. This article will present some of the analyses systematised during the two years of the project on the intersections of the topics of gender, criminal justice and drug policy. In our efforts to map the national and international situation regarding drugs and the justice system, we found that drug policies have a variety of models, 4 4. In other words, a drug policy adopted by one country is not defined by a single model, but by a combination of models. In Brazil, for example, Law 11, of 23 August , 5 5. Instead, it is the result of a combination of both. Consequently, we determined that policy models cannot be analysed in isolation: it is necessary to observe the policies of different countries and cover all the models adopted in each of them. We initially thought that countries that adopted flexible policies based on the models of legalisation, decriminalisation or depenalisation would show a reduction in incarceration rates. However, once we understood that the policies are not based on a single model, we proceeded to investigate which models were in place in these countries and how incarceration rates in each of them were affected. However, it was found that Ukraine and the United States, despite having tolerant legislation on drug use, were not included in the report. The information found on the Asian and African continents was inconclusive and, therefore, was not included in the report. This would allow us to determine in each country whether making drug policies more flexible led to decarceration. We looked at whether the incarceration rates had increased or decreased since the adoption of flexible drug policies until the present day. As a result of these findings, we turned our attention to the countries that had presented an increase in their incarceration rates with the intention of examining similarities between them and understanding the drug policies that were adopted in each one. The case of Brazil is an example of this: the decriminalisation of drug use achieved by Law 11, did not lead to decarceration. Instead, starting in , the year the law was passed, we can observe an explosion in incarceration rates, particularly female incarceration, 11 The increase in the female prison population, meanwhile, was Coletivo de Estudos Drogas e Direito CEDD is formed by researchers from 9 Latin American countries whose objective is to analyse the impact of criminal legislation and legal practice in the area of drugs, seeking to generate information and promote informed debate about the effectiveness of current policies and recommend alternative approaches for fairer and more effective policies. The drug law that was introduced in and is still in effect today established harsher penalties for drug trafficking and created new criminal behaviors that are punishable by prison. Heidi Cerneka, the director of ITTC who has worked with the topic of female incarceration for 20 years, points out that these harsher penalties are justified primarily by a supposed effort to detain the right people. In other words, the understanding that drug users should not be sent to prison is repeatedly accompanied by the idea that traffickers belong behind bars. Although Law 11, was important in that it represents progress on the subject of treatment for drug users, it still keeps them in the grips of the criminal justice system. Even though they do not go to prison, these people still face criminal charges, 14 In practice, a person stopped by police officers in possession of illegal drugs can be taken to the police station for questioning or be detained on the spot on trafficking charges. If the police chief determines that the case involves trafficking, they may be sent to a custody hearing. At the custody hearing, the judge may rule that the arrest was illegal if they understand that the person is a user even in cases of framing, no-knock raids, etc. The association of drug use with crime led us to question whether this is a common association and whether it exists in all countries. The research that produced the Drug Policy and Incarceration: an overview of America and Europe reveals that in at least 20 countries in the Americas and Europe the use of psychoactive substances is not considered a crime. In Brazil, currently, there is no official objective standard i. As such, it is up to the people who operate public security and criminal justice to determine who will have access to which policies, whether treatment for drug use or repression for trafficking and crime. In practice, judging from the profile of the Brazilian prison population, it is clear which people are assigned to criminal justice: black people from poor neighbourhoods. Andreas Wuest, Hamburg. In an attempt to solve the arbitrary way in which the security forces and the criminal justice system distinguish between drug users and traffickers, proposals have been made to establish standards for making this distinction. The Special Appeal analyses the possibility of decriminalising drug possession for personal use, with an initial focus on marijuana. In this case, some court justices revisited the discussion on the adoption of objective criteria for distinguishing between drug use and drug trafficking. Gilmar Mendes Voto-Vista Min. Objective criteria are standards that help classify individual behaviours that are used in drug-related offences to identify behaviours that carry different penalties according to the drug law of each country. Generally speaking, the objective criteria proposed is the amount of a substance that differentiates users from traffickers or even small-time dealers from large traffickers. Objective criteria can also be based on purity, type hard or soft , the value of the drug that the person possesses, or a combination of these factors. Besides these questions about how the criteria should be defined and who should have the authority to define them, the accumulated experience of ITTC with incarcerated women reveals a number of dangers in adopting such criteria. We believe, for example, that the definition of quantities can lead to the automatic criminalisation of people who possess a quantity that exceeds the permitted amount. In other words, users who are stopped by the police in possession of a quantity of psychoactive substances that exceeds the defined maximum amount will automatically be classified as traffickers. At the same time, if someone in possession of a quantity that is within the permitted limit can still be considered a drug trafficker, the current reasoning is maintained that anyone who possesses drugs can be classified as a trafficker. In this case, users can still be arrested on trafficking charges. In other words, people in possession of large quantities of drugs should not automatically be classified as large traffickers. This is because people who work in the drug trade do not always control the quantity they are allocated to store or sell. Although these standards would be intended to make the investigation processes and trials more thorough, they do not change the important issues related to the incarceration of people for drug-related offences: the functioning and the role of the security forces and the Judiciary. It can be said that the establishment of objective criteria does not alter the paradigm of criminal selectivity, since they will not apply, for example, to the initial contact by the police. The police contact, when the person in possession of drugs is brought into the criminal justice system and subject to repressive public security policies, will continue to occur at the discretion of the security forces. Therefore, if the police continue to stop the same people, specifying a quantity that defines who is a drug trafficker may only have the effect of legitimising the detention of people who today would already be arrested as traffickers. Also on the subject of police stops, neither will the establishment of objective criteria alter the dangers of the police being the only witnesses in the cases that go to trial. The example of Mexico is significant in that it illustrates many of the aforementioned dangers. The Law decriminalises possession for the consumption of small quantities up to 5g of marijuana, 2g of opium, mg of cocaine, 0. Mandatory treatment is established for people who are compulsive users. In these cases, the law does not even require the authorities to prove that the seized drugs were intended for sale. In effect, therefore, anyone found in possession of drugs can be considered a criminal. It is important to note here, as the authors do, the absence of any control and anti-corruption mechanisms on the actions of the police force, which creates incentives for the practices of corruption, extortion and abuse of power. The article concludes that the war on drugs in Mexico ends up criminalising the most marginalised people. In the cities, poor young people are targeted by the authorities because they are deemed more likely to be drug users and because of their appearance. The article points out the need to consider that people enter the illegal drug market due to lack of economic opportunity, which is more prevalent among the most vulnerable in society, notably peasants, young people and women. Given the situation described above, we believe that the establishment of objective criteria could be used as a way to justify incarceration or even as a means to supposedly detain the right people, enabling the arbitrary acts of public security agents sanctioned by the criminal justice system. Although these standards may be a response to the arbitrariness of the security forces and the Judiciary, when applied they do not consider the specifics of each situation. We need to ask whether these new standards would result in decarceration, in particular for the profile of people who are currently imprisoned — as users or traffickers — and also whether this distinction would have the effect of guaranteeing the rights of both. Since its foundation, ITTC has been working with women in conflict with the law both inside and outside prison. The Institute encounters in the prison environment and in the criminal justice system the inequalities based on gender asymmetries in their intersection with other markers of difference, since we believe that both the prison environment and the criminal justice system produce and reproduce gender inequality and violence. We have found, as pointed out by Bruna Angotti, 22 Le Monde Diplomatique, p. The author also emphasises that prison represents yet one more violent place among so many others from previous experiences, whether in the maintenance of violent spaces or in the reinforcement of gender stereotypes. The prison system, just like the justice system, contributes to enhancing violence against women and perpetuating gender inequality. It is interesting to note how gender is a topic that is frequently hidden over the course of the passage of men and women through the criminal justice system. During the research for the report, it was found that police reports, for example, suppress important information on maternity, which makes it difficult for women facing charges to access certain rights, such as house arrest. The invisibility of specific gender issues in official information and data on the prison system 24 According to Angotti, 25 Whether through the control of conjugal visits, 26 Her analysis focuses on the struggle for the right to homosexual conjugal visits. It is interesting to note that very often the vocational courses and jobs offered to the detained women and girls reinforce some gender stereotypes. An example of such occupations are those related to the kitchen, sewing, cleaning, caretaking or beauty activities. According to Heidi Cerneka, 30 Unpublished manuscript. Loyola University Chicago School of Law, Although there is no official survey in Brazil on maternity among female prisoners, it is safe to say, based on the experience of the ITTC, that many of them are responsible for looking after children, for other family members or people from their close social circle, a role socially attributed to women. As a result, prison can also have an economic and affective impact on the family. The publication shows that prison further limits the chances of women finding a decent job in the formal employment market after they are released. This is particularly true in the market for caretaking jobs domestic workers, nannies, caregivers etc. Even though the Judiciary and the labour market are not directly related, it is interesting to note that the profile of women who face the greatest economic hardship is the same as most of the women who are caught up in the criminal justice system. Moreover, the percentage of people who are in precarious working conditions is It is also black women who have the lowest remuneration and who represent the largest contingent of workers without formal employment contracts and in self-employed activities. Female prisoners in Brazil fit a certain profile. In general, they are young, black and have a low level of schooling, just like the overall profile of the Brazilian prison population. According to the aforementioned survey by Infopen, 50 per cent of the women are between 18 and 29 years old, 68 per cent are black and just 14 per cent have finished high school. Moreover, the age group represents 7. This profile, however, is not exclusive to Brazil: in Latin American prisons, women are mostly young, black, indigenous and latina, and have a low level of schooling. They are also mostly first-time offenders, family breadwinners and say they have already suffered some type of violence. The situation experienced by these women, according to Angela Davis, 35 The political, economic and social inequalities identified by Davis are the result of societies that are structured on racism and, once they are structured as such, all relations will carry the markers of inequality based on this mechanism. Along the same lines, the lawyer Dina Alves presents, in the context of Brazil, the influence of racist theories on relations between race and crime developed in the 19th century, during the formation of Brazilian legal thought. For the black lawyer and activist Deborah Small, 38 In this regard, it is important to understand not only how the profiles of drug users and traffickers are formed, but also the various profiles associated with drug use. It is also important to keep in mind how drug policies reproduce and modernize a series of inequalities based on gender, race and class. It is these reflections that make it possible to consider and develop other drug policy tools that are not anchored solely or primarily in incarceration and that are not intended solely to control and repress these same women. It is safe to say that incarceration, in particular female incarceration, is affected by the drug policies adopted in different countries. Understanding the centrality of the topic of gender in connection with other social markers is to understand the existence of specific issues that need to be taken into account with regard to both violations and concrete proposals on access to rights. It is also to understand that the formulation of drug policy should not be limited to the field of public security or criminal justice. Thinking about these policies in other terms, therefore, involves thinking about them in connection with policies on healthcare, social services, employment and income distribution, among others, considering local realities. We believe this will make it possible to find ways to help guarantee rights and reverse the inequalities primarily experienced by women due to drug policies. Received in January Original in Portuguese.

Report: Pilot had drugs in system

How can I buy cocaine online in Blanes

Urine is initially collected from athletes to screen for the presence of illicit drugs. Sweat is an alternative sample matrix that provides advantages over urine including reduced opportunity for sample adulteration, longer detection-time window and non-invasive collection. Sweat is suitable for analysis of the parent drug and metabolites. In this study, a method was developed and validated to determine the presence of 13 amphetamine- and cocaine-related substances and their metabolites in sweat and urine using disposable pipette extraction DPX by gas chromatography coupled to mass spectrometry. The DPX extraction was performed using 0. DPX extraction efficiencies ranged between Method accuracy was from Calibration curves presented a correlation coefficient —0. The validated method was applied to urine and sweat samples collected from 40 professional athletes who knowingly took one or more of the target illicit drugs. Thirteen of 40 athletes were positive for at least one drug. All the drugs detected in the urine were also detected in sweat samples indicating that sweat is a viable matrix for screening or confirmatory drug testing. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Sign In or Create an Account. Sign in through your institution. Advanced Search. Search Menu. Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents Abstract. Material and Methods. Results and Discussion. Data Availability. Journal Article. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. David Bishop. Eduardo Geraldo de Campos. Email: egeraldocampos alumni. Lucas Blanes. Philip Doble. Claude Roux. Bruno Spinosa De Martinis. Revision received:. Editorial decision:. Corrected and typeset:. Select Format Select format. Permissions Icon Permissions. Abstract Urine is initially collected from athletes to screen for the presence of illicit drugs. Issue Section:. Download all slides. Views More metrics information. Total Views Email alerts Article activity alert. Advance article alerts. New issue alert. Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. Citing articles via Web of Science 2. The rise of bromazolam in postmortem cases from Travis County, TX, and surrounding areas: to More from Oxford Academic. Biological Sciences. Clinical Medicine. Medical Toxicology. Medicine and Health. Science and Mathematics. Toxicology Non-medical. Authoring Open access Purchasing Institutional account management Rights and permissions. Get help with access Accessibility Contact us Advertising Media enquiries.

How can I buy cocaine online in Blanes