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Your browser is out of date. Some of the content on this site will not work properly as a result. Upgrade your browser for a faster, better, and safer web experience. Supporters of Gabriel Boric celebrate following the official results of the runoff presidential election, in Santiago, on 19th December. The shaggy hair from his student protester days has been neatly trimmed, the beard clipped, the forearm tattoo of a Patagonian lighthouse hidden under a crisp white shirt and suit jacket. But as year-old Gabriel Boric takes to the stage in Santiago, Chile, on the warm night of 19th December, having just been elected the youngest president in the history of the long, slim, South American country of 17 million people, his words are implicitly radical. Others sprawled on tattered patches of grass, drinking, smoking and wearing dazed grins. Vendors pushed trolleyfuls of beers through crowds of revellers. Bikers revved their engines and drivers honked their horns. Patricia Diaz, a flame-haired, middle-aged painter, was waving a large Mapuche flag known as the Wenufoye in the square. I want it to change. Boric has promised to deliver a radical shakeup of society. This list of priorities is nothing short of revolutionary in Chile. After the Marxist president Salvador Allende was overthrown in a military coup backed by the US in — taking his own life in the bombed-out Moneda Palace with an AK given to him by Fidel Castro rather than be captured — Chile became a guinea pig for the economic school of thought named neoliberalism by its co-creator, University of Chicago economist Milton Friedman. Chile has been the global exemplar of a business-friendly, market-driven political and social system for the 40 years since, with strong levels of economic growth and GDP per capita, but a yawning gulf between the hyper-rich and the struggling lower-middle class. Gabriel Boric, the new president of Chile. Boric, a dedicated fan of heavy rock music and Taylor Swift, who has spoken of his struggle with obsessive-compulsive disorder and his tendency to overeat when stressed, is a congressman of Croatian descent. He represents his home region of Magallanes in the far south, where he grew up in the Patagonian city of Punta Arenas reading Marx and Hegel and founded a high-school student union aged Kast, whose late brother served as a cabinet minister under Pinochet, has downplayed historic human rights abuses and said that if he were still alive the dictator would vote for him. In the second round, Boric defeated Kast soundly, with 56 percent of the final vote. The burning dilemma of how to resolve this increasingly bloody dispute — and, more broadly, how to establish a firmer, more equal footing between the Chilean state and the 2. A Mapuche chief gestures to a green, fertile valley beneath a snow-capped mountain, as if transferring wholesale dominion to the Spanish conquistadors led by Pedro de Valdivia, resplendent in plate armour atop a white charger. The scene below tells a different story. Among the delegates are some wearing traditional indigenous dress and rainbow-striped facemasks. There are suits, shorts, flowery shirts, tattoos, broad Andean dresses, straw hats, long, dark plaits, a white, feathered headdress, and tinkling Mapuche silverwork. The initiative, in large part the brainchild of the then-congressman Boric, was backed by a landslide in a referendum in October , with 79 percent of voters opting for a convention of entirely fresh faces to draft the new text. The suggestions under review include banning mining and forestry on indigenous lands, legalising cannabis, ending free-trade agreements and conferring legal rights upon glaciers. Rosa Catrileo, Mapuche lawyer and member of the constitutional convention. Photo: Laurence Blair. Some fear that reforms to boost indigenous autonomy or speed up the return of lands could lead to mass expropriation of private property or the balkanisation of the country. Kenneth Bunker, a political scientist and founder of the Tresquintos polling website, warns that the convention could end up producing a document too radical for everyday Chileans, causing it to be rejected in the referendum, and taking the country back to square one. Whether his government can walk the tightrope of securing radical change for the better, without risking political chaos and major economic fallout, will be watched closely across the region and the world. Should the new constitution be voted in, it could help calm tensions in the south — but it may not be enough. The number of incidents linked to the Mapuche conflict doubled in , with cases of arson — usually against commercial forestry trucks transporting felled, shorn trunks for pulp or timber — as well as 45 attacks on police and 11 murders. In the first three months of alone, eight people including forestry workers, truckers and landowners were shot dead by unknown assailants. The parched field where the Battle of Curalaba was fought is marked by little more than an empty flagpole and a large rock. The Mapuche then destroyed seven Spanish outposts across the region, pushing back the frontier of European rule for another years. A demonstrator in Santiago waves a flag bearing a picture of Camilo Catrillanca during a protest to commemorate the first anniversary of the murder of the Mapuche farmer, 14th November This bloody history is seared into the collective consciousness of the 1. Almost exactly four centuries after the battle of Curalaba, in December , unknown perpetrators in Lumaco burned three forestry trucks and their cargoes down to their frames. This marked the beginning of an ongoing conflict that pits groups claiming to fight for Mapuche territory against the forces of law and order, farming estates and, above all, the Chilean-owned forestry companies which arrived in the area from the s onwards and enjoyed close family and financial links to Pinochet. The CAM, which has been linked to the arson attack, says it wants to restore the independent Mapuche nation, known as Wallmapu. Previous Chilean governments have said it is a terrorist organisation dedicated to growing marijuana and trafficking cocaine. Over almost 30 years, groups like the CAM have set fire to around 1, targets, including farms, vehicles and churches. While most say they want to avoid loss of human life, around 50 people have been killed, with deaths on both sides. In particular, the police killing of an unarmed Mapuche farmer named Camilo Catrillanca in November and the attempted cover-up that followed provoked lingering fury nationwide. The deep sense of historical grievance — and growing sympathy for the Mapuche cause among the population as a whole — lent coherence and a romantic cause to the otherwise anarchic protests that erupted across Chile in October Demonstrations against a peso rise in Santiago metro fares, with their epicentre at Plaza Baquedano, were met by official disdain and violence. Rioters responded by setting metro stations, petrol pumps and even churches on fire, and duked it out with the cops around Plaza Baquedano, pitting fireworks, bricks, home-made shields and slingshots against water cannon and armour-plated vehicles. At least 34 people were killed, including six at the hands of the carabineros , who also blinded or partially blinded by firing plastic pellets and tear-gas canisters into crowds at close range, and sexually assaulted many detainees. Some 1. Meanwhile, in the south, Mapuche demonstrators toppled monuments to the conquistadors and nineteenth-century generals who had occupied the region and massacred those who resisted. As I walk across the battlefield in Lumaco in mid-January , a military helicopter with a gunner sitting in the doorway passes directly overhead and disappears behind a forested ridge. But on the morning of my visit to Lumaco, a local truck driver had been shot and wounded by hooded, armed men, while similar attacks had killed three others across the region that week alone. One in four families lack reliable access to safe drinking water. The area has been experiencing three years of drought; was the driest on record, and the hottest. The new tree cover is largely pine and eucalyptus, originally from North America and Australia, and genetically modified to grow faster. The companies provide jobs, but chainsaw work is seasonal, often badly paid and dangerous. And these tightly packed, non-native species, studies suggest, can degrade the soil and dry up springs. Lumaco was once famed for its swamps and rivers: the Mapuche even diverted them to flush out the Spanish from their forts. But many share the resentment of more radical actors towards the forestry companies, who they blame for tearing up roads in the area with their heavily laden trucks, leaving taxpayers to foot the bill, and for water shortages. Only a tiny minority of Mapuche engage in firebombing timber trucks, or burning down rural estates. Even fewer support violent attacks on people, be it police, farmers or forestry employees. But these are the groups that Boric will have to reckon with if he wants to stop rural unrest boiling over into an outright insurgency — and a growing death toll in the south from forestalling his social agenda. But in order to negotiate, the other side has to be willing to talk to you. Keeping the Andes on your left, you pass hillsides stubbled with recently felled eucalyptus, military checkpoints and a large Korean-owned sawmill. Suddenly a gaunt figure with a scrappy goatee wearing jeans, a grey poncho and a blue-and-gold headband stepped into the sunshine, carrying a bundle of possessions. Facundo Jones Huala was born in Argentina, where he is wanted on terrorism charges, and is founder of the firebrand Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche RAM movement: present, like the Mapuche themselves, on both sides of the Andes. He did not seem cowed after two years behind bars, having been found guilty of setting fire to a farmhouse and illegally possessing a home-made gun his supporters suggest he was framed. Facundo Jones Huala, founder of the Resistencia Ancestral Mapuche movement, talks to reporters after being released from prison. And we have to keep advancing on that path until we liberate the Mapuche nation. The agenda is still to recover Mapuche lands and independence from Chilean and foreign interests. Three young men with long hair and rock band t-shirts appear around the corner and push me up against the gate. Get your phone back out! My explanation, between shoves, does little to calm the situation. They know their history, but none of them have that hate. I had to start from scratch. People are dying. There are signs of growing polarisation on all sides. By her own account, she has been arrested over times, spent four and a half years in jail, and currently faces four trials, with her alleged offences including assaulting a carabinero. Her house is set back from the road behind a gate made from sticks and twisted barbed wire. I pass by slowly several times before being waved down by her daughter, Carolina. She wears a traditional black smock with pink tassels, an ornate necklace of silverwork, and a long black plait down to her waist. I ask what would happen to non-Mapuche, many of whose families have lived in the area for generations, in a hypothetical, newly independent Wallmapu. They have to change their way of life to live with nature. Killing is against traditional precepts, she adds. Many attacks attributed to armed indigenous movements — and recent viral videos of hooded figures in the forest waving automatic weapons in the air — are the work of shadowy groups trying to smear peaceful activists, she claims. But other means are on the table. Her uncompromising stance is born out of brutal experience. Soon after the military coup in , when Calfunao was a young woman, police stormed the community, arrested her mother, destroyed her home, and beat Calfunao near-senseless. She remembers blood mixing with the earth as she dragged herself along the ground. Tears come to her eyes and her voice wavers. She only escaped, she says, by hiding underwater and breathing through a reed. Later, during the period of democracy, she miscarried a baby at four months while in detention, fought off attacks by fellow inmates, and lost 30 kilograms while on hunger strike. Because they have no guarantee of profit here. On a Friday night two weeks after the elections, Plaza Baquedano is the scene of clashes once again between the carabineros and masked, hooded protesters demanding the release of those jailed during the protests of As I sit in a taxi waiting at traffic lights by the square, demonstrators sprint forward to hurl rocks into the dented panelling of an armoured riot van, which douses them with chemical-laced water. The green light flashes and the driver floors it as I wind up the window to keep out a billowing cloud of tear gas. Protesters reportedly throw stones at a police station; detectives in dark suits jog out with shotguns and start firing rubber pellets. One demonstrator peels off to talk to the Meganoticias TV programme. Mapuche authorities say the new interior minister should have secured their permission before visiting. Scepticism about whether Boric will be able to deliver is widespread among indigenous people across the country. At the other end of the country, asked if she thinks the offer of plurinational status in the constitution could calm the conflict in the Mapuche heartland, Calfunao scoffs. I will live that life until I die. We hope you enjoyed this sample feature from issue 45 of Delayed Gratification. Buy issue Subscribe. Slow Journalism in your inbox , plus infographics, offers and more: sign up for the free DG newsletter. Sign me up. Jam-packed with information A very cool magazine Perhaps we could all get used to this Delayed idea Check out our new infographics book. Please enable Javascript - You will need to enable Javascript in your browser settings to use this website! Delayed Gratification The Slow Journalism magazine. Manage my subscription DG Digital. Will it be enough to stop a centuries-old conflict from escalating? Laurence Blair 19th December Taken from: Tweet Share. We hope you enjoyed this sample feature from issue 45 of Delayed Gratification Buy issue Subscribe. 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Buying marijuana online in Derna

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Buying marijuana online in Derna