Buying cocaine online in Belgium

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Buying cocaine online in Belgium

These datasets underpin the analysis presented in the agency's work. Most data may be viewed interactively on screen and downloaded in Excel format. All countries. Topics A-Z. The content in this section is aimed at anyone involved in planning, implementing or making decisions about health and social responses. Best practice. We have developed a systemic approach that brings together the human networks, processes and scientific tools necessary for collecting, analysing and reporting on the many aspects of the European drugs phenomenon. Explore our wide range of publications, videos and infographics on the drugs problem and how Europe is responding to it. All publications. More events. More news. We are your source of drug-related expertise in Europe. We prepare and share independent, scientifically validated knowledge, alerts and recommendations. About the EUDA. Much of our knowledge about cocaine trafficking routes results from law enforcement activity and intelligence. Information on types and quantities of drugs seized and information on the origin and destination of shipments give indications of the main routes and modes of transport. However, such information is affected by factors such as law enforcement strategies, resources and priorities, as well as temporary changes to routes and practices in response to interdiction efforts or new opportunities. Hence, caution is needed in interpreting these data. The 1 tonnes of cocaine seized worldwide in was the highest ever to be reported. As in previous years, the vast majority of the global total was seized in the Americas, followed by western and central Europe. Although small in comparison with the Americas and Europe, quantities seized in emerging cocaine markets in Africa and Asia also reached record highs in UNODC, a see Figure Global quantity of cocaine seized. The source data for this graphic is available in the source table on this page. Record levels of cocaine production have been matched by record quantities seized, especially from containers handled in the numerous ports along the transatlantic cocaine routes. Most of the cocaine seized in the EU is transported by sea, primarily in maritime shipping containers. Cocaine is shipped to the EU directly from the countries of production but also from neighbouring countries of departure in South and Central America as well as the Caribbean. Based on quantities of cocaine seized in European ports and in ports elsewhere destined for Europe see Box Detailed analysis of cocaine seized in or destined for EU , Brazil about 71 tonnes , Ecuador The latter is a relative newcomer in the top countries of origin for shipments destined for Europe, confirming that Central America now has a more significant role EMCDDA and Europol, This is likely to reflect a diversification of trafficking routes within the Americas. In total, 25 countries in the Americas reported seizures of cocaine with Europe as the intended destination in In addition to the countries previously listed, also mentioned are Paraguay There have traditionally been two main areas through which maritime and air shipments of cocaine transit en route to Europe: the Caribbean, and the West African mainland and neighbouring islands of Cape Verde, Madeira and the Canaries. While these are likely to remain significant transit areas, there are indications that North Africa continues to grow in importance and that transhipment through the Western Balkans, while remaining more limited in scope, may also have increased. From the Caribbean, cocaine is typically shipped on pleasure craft via the Azores, or by air, either on direct flights or via a variety of transit points. The quantities of cocaine seized in the West African mainland and neighbouring islands, together with those seized in Europe coming from the region appear to be small in comparison to the amounts seized at departure points in the Americas. Data reported at the international level indicate that cocaine seizures in West Africa totalled This includes a finding that more than 16 tonnes of cocaine was seized in the region that year, reversing the dearth of seizures recorded since Bird, Large seizures were also reported in This includes a shipment of 2. According to media reporting, Gambian drug authorities were searching for the owner of the consignment, a French national, in connection with the incident News24, ; Reuters, Although considerably less cocaine was seized in North Africa 1. However, developments in the last four or five years suggest that the region, particularly its coasts on the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, is a growing transit and storage hub for cocaine both arriving by sea directly from South America and coming via West Africa by land for onward transport to Europe or elsewhere, for instance the Middle East EMCDDA and Europol, ; GI TOC, The main cocaine hub of North Africa is probably Morocco. The country has traditionally seized the largest quantities of cocaine in the region, which continued in with seizures totalling 1. There are indications that the Moroccan total could be even higher. For instance, in October , more than 1. The drugs were concealed in a container on a ship that had departed from Brazil and was bound for Antwerp, Belgium, and Portbury, a middle-sized port in Bristol, United Kingdom Kundu, On a much smaller scale than Morocco, international cocaine trafficking activities in Algeria and Libya reported in the last edition of this report EMCDDA and Europol, ; Micaleff, appear to have continued in the recent period. In , Algeria reported seizing about kilograms UNODC, a , while there are indications that Libyan seizures amounted to over 44 kilograms. In December , there were two significant seizures from containers bound for Libya: one in Ecuador on a container bound for Libya and Syria kilograms , and another in Malta from a container originating in Ecuador kilograms Dixon, This area is a known hub for the transhipment of drugs at sea, particularly cannabis resin from Morocco, on ships bound for Europe or Libya, while significant quantities of cocaine have been seized in the port of Oran recently Ben Yahia and Farrah, For instance, non-routine data reported by the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex on drug seizures at a number of border posts between the EU and the Western Balkans in and indicate that comparatively small amounts of cocaine enter the EU from that region. Meanwhile, Frontex data confirm the large quantities of cocaine seized in Spain, a traditional entry point for cocaine into the EU Frontex, Nevertheless, individual seizures in and could suggest that cocaine trafficking through ports in the Western Balkan region, particularly in Albania and Montenegro, may have increased. For example, kilograms was seized in the port of Durres, Albania in April Exit. Montenegrin authorities also suspect that more than 3 tonnes were smuggled through the port of Bar in the second half of Kajosevic, Furthermore, Kosovo seized a shipment of kilograms of cocaine in May after it had been smuggled through the Albanian port of Durres Halili, For the fourth consecutive year, record amounts of cocaine were seized in Europe in At Meanwhile, new records were also established elsewhere in , including Greece 1. This indicates that entry points of cocaine shipments are diversifying and that cocaine consumer markets are developing in eastern Europe including Turkey see Cocaine retail markets: multiple indicators suggest continued growth and diversification. Source: The source data for this graphic is available in the source table on this page. Data available for a few key countries indicate that even larger quantities of cocaine were seized in the EU in For instance, data on cocaine seizures in Belgium indicate that almost 92 tonnes of cocaine was seized in , almost all in the port of Antwerp. If seizures made elsewhere of shipments that were destined for Antwerp are taken into account, then close to tonnes of cocaine was seized in connection with Antwerp in Belgian Federal Police, personal communication. The preliminary data available from a few countries indicates that more than tonnes of cocaine were seized in the EU in , exceeding the previous record European total Cocaine traffickers flexibly use a wide range of innovative trafficking methods, which evolve over time in response to enforcement efforts and other factors. Although cocaine also enters the EU by air, the main route used to smuggle the drug into Europe is still the maritime route from South America to western Europe, especially taking advantage of the licit containerised trade. Maritime transport allows the smuggling of large quantities, and the nature of international commercial maritime traffic means that a vast number of routes can be and are used. In addition, smaller, private sailing boats or even semi-submersible vessels are capable of bringing in large quantities of cocaine in single shipments, entering Europe at many points see Box First two semi-submersible drug-smuggling vessels captured in Europe. Criminal networks involved in cocaine trafficking now also more frequently employ methods of transport such as mother ships, pleasure craft, fishing vessels, cruise ships and the drop-off method. Major European container ports have recorded many seizures of large cocaine shipments in recent years. In addition to targeting major ports, organised criminal networks are now increasingly shipping larger amounts of cocaine from South America to smaller ports in the EU or neighbouring countries, where security measures may be easier to circumvent. Corruption of maritime and aviation port employees and security officials throughout Europe is, in most cases, a key condition for the successful use of these facilities for cocaine importation by criminal networks. Most of the cocaine available in Europe continues to be smuggled into the largest container ports of the EU located in Belgium Antwerp , the Netherlands Rotterdam and Spain Valencia and Algeciras. The German authorities have attributed the recent increase in seizures in the port of Hamburg to the activities of Balkan and Albanian-speaking organised crime networks BKA, The use of these ports shows how criminal networks continue to exploit established commercial maritime routes between Latin America and Europe to smuggle cocaine into the EU. Taking advantage of the large volume of containerised trade in goods between the two regions, criminal networks are able to conceal large quantities of cocaine in individual shipments. As a result, the main European container ports have recorded increasing numbers of large-volume cocaine seizures in recent years. While these main container ports continue to be targeted, it is likely that law enforcement activities at these facilities have pushed some criminal networks to find alternative smuggling routes, resulting in a recent intensification of cocaine shipments to smaller ports in the EU or in neighbouring countries where security measures may be viewed as easier to evade. The available data suggest that cocaine trafficking towards the EU continued during the COVID pandemic without any apparent disruption. At least tonnes of cocaine destined for Europe was seized in Some tonnes was seized at departure ports located in Latin America, and approximately tonnes was seized at EU ports. As in previous years, the largest quantity of cocaine in the EU was seized in Belgian ports 69 tonnes , followed by Dutch 45 tonnes and Spanish ports 26 tonnes. In Latin America, the largest amount was seized at ports in Brazil 45 tonnes , Ecuador 24 tonnes and Colombia 18 tonnes see Figure Top 10 countries for quantity of cocaine destined for Europe seized at ports in A total of 60 tonnes of cocaine was seized in such secondary EU ports in see Figure Top 10 EU seizing ports for quantity of cocaine. For a description of different concealment methods, see Figure Maritime trafficking: diversification of modus operandi. The available data indicates that in Latin America, the largest quantities of cocaine destined for Europe were seized in Guayaquil, Ecuador 23 tonnes , and Santos, Brazil 21 tonnes. If all seizures departing from these ports are taken into consideration, totalling about 61 tonnes shipped from Guayaquil and 31 tonnes from Santos, it becomes clear that these two ports are used intensively by cocaine trafficking criminal networks. Analysis of concealment methods emphasises some key features that enable large quantities of cocaine to be smuggled to the EU. Criminal networks are creative and appear to be able to rapidly adapt to avoid detection, which explains why a range of modi operandi are implemented. The data indicate that the port of Antwerp is probably the main entry point for cocaine smuggled into the EU. Europol intelligence suggests that most of the cocaine entering Antwerp is destined initially for the Netherlands, where further distribution is arranged. Focusing exclusively on cocaine seized outside Europe and destined for Belgian ports in the period, a variety of modi operandi can be observed in the 10 main shipping ports see Figure Top 10 source ports for quantity of cocaine destined for Belgian ports. The reasons for this are unclear and require additional research and closer monitoring. That said, Ecuador, which shares land borders with both Colombia and Peru, two of the main cocaine-producing countries, seems to have transformed in the last decade or so from a transit country into a major trafficking hub. Furthermore, it is now also reportedly emerging as a cocaine-producing country Pichel, Such transformation is thought to have fuelled recent violence between local gangs rumoured to be used by important cocaine trafficking networks from Colombia and Mexico. A recent surge in assassinations, which nearly doubled between and , including violent prison gang riots in which hundreds of inmates died in , are reportedly linked with cocaine trafficking in the country, particularly in the port of Guayaquil. Only the top 5 ports with data available for all years are shown. Operations supported by Europol have exposed the role played by corruption in the functioning of drug markets in Europe, a factor that may have been underestimated in the past. Corruption is a crime enabler for all types of criminal activities and is a significant facilitator of drug trafficking activities. In this regard, corruption is used by traffickers to gain entry to ports, to access drugs hidden in containers, to set up or ensure control over businesses used as covers for smuggling activities, such as renting transport vehicles or storage premises, and also to facilitate money laundering, among others. Indeed, various modi operandi used to smuggle cocaine through EU ports require corruption, and recent investigations in some EU ports have provided valuable insights on the methods used by criminal networks to retrieve cocaine shipments from containers in the EU. Of course, the threat of corruption is not restricted to EU ports, since it is also used in most other ports targeted by criminal groups globally. Subsequently, criminal actors will need to introduce the drugs into the container and replace the seal that has been broken during this process with a counterfeited one. Usually, this operation takes place after customs have cleared the container. In the destination port, the criminal network will, again, need inside help and information as they usually require the targeted container to be placed in a specific location in order to facilitate access to it, for instance on the ground and with unimpeded access to the doors. Additionally, they must receive confirmation that the container has been placed in the desired location and, depending on the type of rip-off method used, extract the cocaine from the container and transport it outside the port area. Other modi operandi may also require corruption as a facilitator. Concealing cocaine within shipments of legitimate goods can also use corruption, for instance in order to be informed and take necessary action if the container has been selected for physical inspection, or to receive customs clearance without such inspection. According to a law enforcement official from Seaport Police, a unit of the Dutch Police, interviewed in the press in , acts of corruption involving staff from shipping companies were identified in the port of Rotterdam in the previous two and a half years Driessen and Meeus, An investigation that led to the seizure of An ex-governor, a harbour master, three police officers and a lawyer were among the 22 suspects arrested during this operation Eeckhaut, Workers in other large EU ports such as Le Havre, France, or Alicante, Spain, have been targeted by criminal networks and engaged to facilitate cocaine importation. Recruitment into corrupt activities is usually carried out by offering large sums of cash or other valuable assets and services, but can also be achieved using violence and intimidation Gil, Kidnappings and murders of port workers have been reported in various EU ports in recent years Auvray, ; Europol, e. Cocaine smuggling by air primarily involves the use of commercial passenger flights, cargo aircraft and general aviation private aircraft. Fairly large shipments of cocaine are smuggled directly from South America and the Caribbean to western Europe by private business aircraft, and use of this method is expected to increase in the future. Stricter border controls and more effective security checks may encourage criminal networks to use secondary international airports and small airfields see Box Private jets: the Achilles heel in the fight against cocaine trafficking by air. With some travel restrictions remaining in place and significantly reduced air passenger traffic, it is likely that the use of air couriers will remain limited compared to the pre-COVID period. In the pre-pandemic period, smaller quantities of cocaine were smuggled using commercial flights. Couriers flew from airports in South and Central America and the Caribbean to major European airports, either directly or after stopovers in countries such as Morocco, Nigeria and the United Arab Emirates. After arrival at the main EU distribution hubs, cocaine shipments are primarily trafficked by road in passenger vehicles and lorries to local markets. Intra-EU trafficking of cocaine also involves commercial flights, light aircraft and helicopters, railway, sea transport, and post and parcel services. Cocaine loads are often hidden in sophisticated concealed compartments in cars, trucks and other vehicles, sometimes with shipments of other drugs. These compartments are also used to transport cash back to the distribution hubs. In addition, Europol intelligence indicates that some European criminal networks orchestrate cocaine shipments directly from South America to Asia without the drugs ever entering the EU. In , cocaine was the most frequently seized substance from air couriers intercepted at European airports and the third most frequently detected drug at European mail centres, after cannabis and other psychotropic substances Council of Europe, The COVID pandemic accelerated an expansion in the use of post and parcel services to fulfil orders placed online. Postal and parcel services are exploited for the distribution of drugs such as cannabis, cocaine, synthetic drugs Council of Europe, , new psychoactive substances, counterfeit currency, stolen and fraudulent documents, and many other illicit commodities. The distribution of illicit goods using post and parcel services is set to increase further in line with the expected growth of online retail activity. Consult the list of references used in this resource. Homepage Quick links Quick links. GO Results hosted on duckduckgo. Main navigation Data Open related submenu Data. Latest data Prevalence of drug use Drug-induced deaths Infectious diseases Problem drug use Treatment demand Seizures of drugs Price, purity and potency. Drug use and prison Drug law offences Health and social responses Drug checking Hospital emergencies data Syringe residues data Wastewater analysis Data catalogue. Selected topics Alternatives to coercive sanctions Cannabis Cannabis policy Cocaine Darknet markets Drug checking Drug consumption facilities Drug markets Drug-related deaths Drug-related infectious diseases. Recently published Findings from a scoping literature…. Penalties at a glance. Frequently asked questions FAQ : drug…. FAQ: therapeutic use of psychedelic…. Viral hepatitis elimination barometer…. EU Drug Market: New psychoactive…. EU Drug Market: Drivers and facilitators. Statistical Bulletin home. Quick links Search news Subscribe newsletter for recent news Subscribe to news releases. On this page. Europe and the global cocaine trade. PDF is being prepared. This make take up to a minute. Once the PDF is ready it will appear in this tab. Sorry, the download of the PDF failed. Last update: 6 May

Buy cocaine online in Belgium

Buying cocaine online in Belgium

This research uses longitudinal data to investigate if illegal online drug purchases changed over time during the COVID pandemic, and if these changes were primarily driven by users adjusting to market conditions or by a heightened level of pandemic-induced strain that could drive a greater demand for drugs. Data were collected across four waves between fall and fall using an online survey. Strain was also related to buying illegal drugs online as those respondents who made illegal online purchased had an average of 5. However, the influence of strain on online purchases remained consistent across time. These results suggest that the increase in online drug purchases was primarily driven by users adapting to changing market conditions rather than the cumulative strains associated with the pandemic producing a greater effect on purchases. Policy implications are also discussed. Life as we knew it was dramatically altered when the first cases of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 SARS-CoV-2 were reported in December While responses to the pandemic varied Capano et al. For example, online sales of cannabis reportedly increased in the first three months of COVID pandemic see Groshkova et al. Several scholars have discussed how COVID could alter drug use, prices, purity, and markets, and many of these scholars discussed plausible reasons for the increase in online drug purchases e. However, little research has gone beyond theorizing the market changes that could possibly affect drug use and sales and documenting if illegal purchases of drugs have indeed occurred. We aim to fill that gap by using longitudinal data to investigate if illegal online drug purchases changed over time, and if these changes were primarily driven by users adjusting to market conditions or by changes in other criminogenic factors induced by the pandemic such as heightened levels of strain that could drive a greater demand for drugs. Most evidence suggests illegal drug use decreased when the pandemic first upended social life. For example, preliminary findings suggest an overall decline in drug use in Europe during the early stages of the pandemic, and this was especially true for amphetamine, cocaine and MDMA use Been et al. In Australia, users noted that cocaine and methamphetamine became harder to obtain, and most of those surveyed reported either no change or a reduction in their use since COVID restrictions were introduced Price et al. There were also localized shortages of heroin in many European countries Aldridge et al. Yet, the pattern of decreasing rates of use were not universal nor long lasting. Data from the U. In addition to affecting the rates of use and rates of problematic use, the pandemic also changed the nature of buying and selling illicit drugs. Most evidence suggests that the lockdown orders and other pandemic-induced restrictions led to a contraction of traditional, in-person drug markets EMCDDA, b. Although the effects of lockdowns on drug markets were likely dependent on the intensity and timing of lockdowns Aldridge et al. Moreover, the closure of usual recreational settings such as nightclubs, bars, and dance clubs likely led to a decrease in the sale of stimulants see Winstock et al. Yet, as with past market disruptions, drug dealers and users adapted to the changing market conditions. It appears the pandemic and the resulting lockdowns led to an increase in darknet drug purchases Groshkova et al. Assuming there was an increased use of online drug markets, the question remains why this happened during the pandemic. There are several plausible explanations, but two seem to be particularly likely. The first possible reason is that users adapted to the changing market and turned to online purchases in response to decreased opportunities to obtain their drugs of choice using traditional, face-to-face offline purchases. The second possible reason is that there was greater demand for drugs as COVID and the resulting lockdowns led to heightened strains. All else being equal, the increase in demand for drugs would likely lead to an increase in purchases, including online purchases. These reasons will now be discussed. While online sales are only a small fraction of the total global drug trade, there was already a considerable online drug market prior to the pandemic. Statista, This increase in online drug purchases is undoubtedly due in part to natural increases in e-commerce that have been observed with other products; however, the pandemic likely contributed to this growth significantly if one considers how cryptomarkets operate. Online drug markets host multiple vendors who earn commission on sales in return for providing drug buyers anonymity via encrypted messaging and payments. Therefore, cryptomarkets allow buyers to purchase drugs from a far wider selection of dealers—and dealers to reach a far broader market of buyers—than would ever be possible with face-to-face trade. The increased access to drugs via numerous vendors is particularly important in the context of COVID First, stay-at-home orders and other restrictions on in-person interactions would likely limit access to the offline drug-dealing networks one has. Second, restrictions on social gatherings and lock-down orders would limit the number of people in public spaces that need to be observed, face-to-face drug transactions likely involved greater risk of detection during the pandemic than they did prior to the pandemic. Police presence on the street continued to be heavy and border controls became more robust UNODC, , and border patrol seized more drug shipments in the first months of the pandemic than in the three months before the pandemic UNODC, Because of the pandemic induced lockdown orders, individuals stayed home and shifted many of their daily activities online. On the now-empty streets, dealers and buyers would become significantly more visible. These circumstances may have initiated market adaptation, where drug transactions were shifted online and drug delivers are made via postal or individual courier services. Limiting face-to-face contact would also reduce the risks of contracting the virus. Thus, online drug purchases would likely appeal to those wanting to avoid potential legal and health consequences. Finally, as noted previously, the apparent increase in online drug sales during the pandemic was primarily driven by online cannabis sales. It is possible this market adjustment was due to those who typically buy larger quantities for resale limited their purchases while casual users increased their purchases. The increase of small-quantity purchases could have been due to existing online cannabis buyers stockpiling their drug of choice in case of market disruptions or users who had not previously made online purchases turning to online purchases as a means of securing their drugs see Groshkova et al. Yet, an increase in online drug purchases could also result from other, non-market related factors. Instead of adjusting to changes in the market supply of drugs, increased online purchases could also simply reflect a greater pandemic-induced demand for drugs. The pandemic has been extremely disruptive in numerous ways, and this disruption in our daily routines undoubtedly contributed to strains. As Agnew argues, strain results from failing to achieve a positive goal, the removal of positive stimuli, or the addition of negative or noxious stimuli. The pandemic undoubtedly was a source of all these types of strain to many people. Strain also appears to be related to online drug purchases. For example, in a sample of young adults from the United States and Spain, purchasing illegal drugs online was related to higher psychological distress, which can be considered a manifestation of strain, even after controlling for self-control, social bonds, excessive gambling behaviors, and excessive internet use Oksanen et al. While strain appears to be related to drug use and online drug purchasing in general, studies analyzing the relationship between drug use and strain and negative emotions during the COVID pandemic also suggest that pandemic-induced strains could lead to an increased drug use. For example, increased use of cannabis and benzodiazepines was reported due to the general feeling of stress caused by the pandemic and associated restrictions Winstock et al. In addition, online opioid purchases were associated with lower self-control, elevated social anxiety, heavy gambling, and Internet use Cebo, Similarly, in a study of Slovenian licit and illicit drug users who used more drugs during the pandemic than before, Sande et al. Carlyle et al. It is worth noting that other than enjoyment, these factors can be all considered stressors Brooks et al. Therefore, the COVID pandemic could lead to increases in online drug purchases 1 by forcing users and dealers to adapt to changing market conditions, 2 by inducing more strain and negative emotions therefore producing greater demand for drugs, or 3 by a combination of inducing demand for drugs through heightened strains and forcing users to adapt to changing market conditions. We try to disentangle these possible effects by analyzing illegal online drug purchases over time as the pandemic unfolds. This combination of factors has led us to three hypotheses:. Hypothesis 2: Individuals who were more strained were more likely to have purchased illegal drugs online;. Data were collected using an online survey. Dynata uses random digit dialing, banner ads, and other permission-based techniques to recruit respondents and create a database. They then select samples for surveys and respondents are contacted via email. Participants who complete the survey and who are not removed due to patterns of fraud or speed receive a small fee or reward from Dynata. As such, the participants are motivated to successfully complete the survey. In terms of data quality, population representation, honesty, and attention of participants, prolific panel platforms such as Dynata provide higher quality samples compared to self-service survey platforms such as MTurk, CloudResearch, Prolific, and SurveyMonkey Eyal et al. Moreover, Dynata is one of the highest data quality prolific panel providers Eyal et al. The authors coded the survey using the Qualtrics online platform. The survey included several parts. Second, a series of demographic and computer use questions provided a baseline to ensure the sample was within the expected margin of error for a nationally representative sample when compared to U. Census data. Third, questions related to cybervictimization and cyber offending were asked. These questions were derived from prior research and included 10 individual acts of offending and victimization e. Finally, participants were asked a series of questions that reflect concepts from various criminological theories. These items were part of a larger project. In this paper we utilized questions about general strain theory that were derived from Hinduja and Patchin Data were collected across multiple waves. Table 1 shows the characteristics of each wave. Across all four waves there were 4, participants, however, listwise deletion of missing data resulted in 60 respondents who did not respond to the drug question being dropped from the analysis. Listwise deletion was used because there were no discernable patterns related to the missing data as they appear to be missing at random. All samples were balanced according to census data on sex, ethnicity, and race. Online samples are generally found to be similar to random probability-based samples MacInnis et al. The survey took an average of 15 min 45 s across all waves. The average difference can be accounted for by difference in which theories were included on the survey as some theories require more items to test than do others. These other theories were part of a larger project and not tested in this paper. The focus of our research pertains to illegal online drug purchases. To measure general strain, we used questions developed by Hinduja and Patchin We adjusted the questions to be more appropriate for an adult sample. For example, instead of asking whether the individual has received a bad grade in the past 12 months, we asked if they recently got a bad grade, performance review, or evaluation. A total of nine questions were asked about strain. These were then summated into a general strain scale. The general strain scale had a range of 0—9, indicating all possible levels of strain across participants. The average strain score was 2. We also included a series of control variables. These encompassed gender, race, ethnicity, family income, education, and age see Table 4 for categories of income and education. Age was measured continuously. Due to low numbers of several genders and races, these variables are coded as binary variables Male and White. While gender and race were balanced during data collection, family income, education and age were not. Nevertheless, these variables still appear comparable to U. Given that the sample does not include those under 18, our sample is likely very close to the U. For further information on control variables see Table 4. In total, 9. H1: To examine the first hypothesis, wave of data was used to predict online purchases. Generally, we see an increase in reported online drug purchases across the waves see Table 2 for specific differences. In , 7. H2: Testing the second hypothesis, a t-test revealed a significant difference between those participants who bought illegal drugs online and those who did not in terms of their reported levels of strain. Participants who reported buying illegal drugs online had an average of 5. While independent analyses revealed both the wave and GST influenced online illegal purchasing, the potential interaction of these factors was also analyzed. To do so, we utilized several logistic regressions. All models met the basic assumptions of logistic regression in that the observations were independent, there were no problems of multicollinearity, and the samples were sufficiently large. First, we examined a logistic regression that included all four waves of data as discrete variables and the measure of GST. The subsequent two waves, Spring and Fall , were not a significant predictor of online drug purchases. However, Fall and the GST index were significant. Table 5 reports the results of the logistics regressions. H3: We then proceeded to examine the third hypothesis by testing if there was an interaction between strain and wave of data collection with another logistic regression. These interactions test if strain and COVID cumulated to create a heightened chance of buying illegal drugs online beyond any main effects. None of the interaction terms achieved statistical significance. Moreover, the addition of the interactions did not significantly increase the explained variance. As such, the final model does not include interaction terms. The final model includes the wave of data, GST and a series of control variables, including gender, race, ethnicity, age, income, and education. The final model produced similar results as the earlier main-effect model for both the wave variables and GST. The first two waves were not statistically significant, while the final wave and GST were significant predictors of online purchases. Similar significance and odds ratios were found across both the first and third model. These results show that control variables did not influence the relationship between online drug purchases and wave of data collection or strain. However, several control variables were also significant predictors of online drug purchases. Having higher income also increased the odds of purchasing illegal drugs online. Of note as well was the variable that failed to achieve statistical significance. The paper explored illegal online drug purchases during the pandemic and if these were related to time i. In a national sample of adult Americans, we analyzed data collected at four different times, once before the pandemic Fall, and three times as the pandemic unfolded in Spring , Fall , and Fall , respectively. Because of lockdown measures and greater difficulties and dangers associated with traditional street-based drug dealing, we hypothesized that online drug purchase would increase during the pandemic H1. We also hypothesized that strain would increase online drug purchasing H2. Furthermore, we expected that strain and time into the pandemic would interact to increase the purchase of illegal drugs online above the main effect associated with time and strain H3. These findings suggest that market forces were likely the primary driver of the increased use of online drug markets during the COVID pandemic. As the pandemic disrupted traditional drug markets by halting shipments and allowing for increased police presence on streets, it likely triggered an increased use of digital technology in drug distribution, including increased mail delivery and contactless methods for reaching buyers such as web-based purchases UNODC, However, our data shows that this increase was delayed, not truly increasing until Fall Conversely, while strain increases the likelihood of purchasing drugs online, the effect of strain on online purchases remained consistent across time as the pandemic unfolded. Therefore, it does not appear that any heightened strains experienced because of the pandemic drove the greater use of online markets observed in our data. Although people undoubtedly experienced greater strains during the pandemic, and this may have driven greater drug use, there is no evidence that these strained drug purchasers were more likely to buy their drugs online than they were prior to the pandemic. Online drug purchasers tend to have additional characteristics beyond strain, such as low levels of self-control, excessive gambling behaviors, excessive levels of internet use, and relatively weak offline social bonds see Oksanen et al. Thus, increased stain alone may not produce enough motivation to turn to the internet for drug purchases. In addition, having strong offline social networks could provide greater access to drugs without relying on internet sells. Our data reveals a robust drug market and innovative adaptations to the new challenges posed to it by the pandemic, but our data suggests it took drug buyers time to adapt to these changing market forces. It was not until the Fall of that we see a significant increase in online purchases. While we do not have the data to confirm this assertion, the delayed increase in online purchases may well be because these sales were primarily driven by small quantity purchases rather than the purchases of large quantities for resale Groshkova et al. It appears that as the pandemic wore on users who had not previously made online purchases turned to online purchases as a means of securing their drugs. This conclusion is consistent with other known facts about changes in the drug market after the pandemic. Moreover, several studies suggest Namli, ; Sande et al. Either way, the data suggest there was a dynamic adaptation to the pandemic by drug purchasers. Given this change may have been driven more by convenience than any severe disruption in the supply of drugs, it is likely that those who experimented with online drug purchasing during the pandemic will continue this practice after the pandemic. In addition to our findings concerning online purchases over time and strain, the demographic characteristics of online drug buyers in our study align with many previous findings. First, adolescents and young adults are more likely to use drugs than are older individuals Chassin et al. Males are also far more likely to use drugs than are females Alves et al. In the current data, participants who purchased illegal drugs online were also disproportionately males, well educated, and have higher incomes. Although, our survey did not allow for a comparison of buyer activity in online and offline drug markets, we suggest that the findings that young, highly educated males with higher incomes are the ones who purchase drugs online might be indicative of different demographic compositions of offline and online drug market customers rather than differences in drug users, per se. Online drug markets are not easily accessible for everyone. Users need a stable internet connection, and must download specific browsers and buy cryptocurrency to be able to purchase on the dark web Norbutas, ; Norbutas et al. To be comfortable arranging online transactions on the dark web, one needs to be familiar with customer reviews and judge seller and product reliability through social ties and a centralized reputation scoring system see Diekmann et al. These skills and familiarization with sellers and market conditions, as well as developing the necessary levels of trust in the marketplace, requires time and money, conditions that individuals with unstable labor conditions, low paying jobs, and inadequate financial backgrounds may not be able to afford. Thus, it is predicable that the relatively affluent are more likely to use online drug markets. Our research has policy implications. As we see an increase in illegal online drug purchases, one may ask what authorities can possibly do about it. Although the pandemic-induced market adaptation led to the increase of online drug markets, this increase may not be clear evidence for greater policing of online drug markets. We should learn from the research on the policing of traditional drug markets that highlights the symbolic nature of these approaches and the harms associated with them. Targeted venues either moved to other locations or reopened shortly after they had temporarily closed. Second, hot spot and zero tolerance policing can lead to riskier behavior by those involved in drug dealing and using. Similarly, disrupting cryptomarkets that are mostly involved in the selling of cannabis products can lead to adaptations that lead buyers and users to more dangerous online behaviors or more dangerous drugs. As noted above, the growth of online drug transactions appears to have been driven by the greater purchasing of relatively small quantities of marijuana. Thus, just as hot spot zero tolerance policing disproportionately affects small-scale dealers and users, heightened policing of online transactions is likely to affect users rather than large-scale dealers. While we are likely to achieve some highly visible disruptions, such as the shutting down of the original Silk Road drug market in , these tactics are unlikely to produce lasting effects. Thus, we should learn from traditional law enforcement efforts to control street-level drug sales and pursue policies that are evidence driven and take advantage of the unique features of cryptomarkets. By understanding this crime script, we can tailor law enforcement interventions to effectively target each stage see Jardine, Although online non-probability samples are generally found to be similar to random probability-based samples MacInnis et al. Second, the observed odds ratios relating our independent variables and drug purchasing are high in the sample Table 5. However, since buying illegal drugs is a low base-rate behavior only 7. Meaning, while the odds ratios are high, they only result in a few percentage points increase in behavior. Although the increase in those purchasing drugs illegal online is significant in the last data collection wave, cautions in drawing dramatic conclusions from this are warranted. Next, while we know from the sample that males with higher education and higher financial well-being are the most likely to purchase illegal drugs online, the survey did not ask about and could not investigate the reasons why. There is evidence Daniel, ; EMCDDA, b that the drug market is evolving, but we cannot be sure what circumstances are responsible for some individuals buying drugs online rather than using street markets Giommoni, It could be certainty, security, trust, computer skills, access to internet, being comfortable using cryptocurrency, avoiding street violence or the combination of those; unfortunately, our data do not allow us to say if this is the case for sure. There is evidence that more people turned to the Internet as the pandemic wore on, and the evidence suggests this was likely due to market adaptations rather than how people dealt with the strains of the pandemic. While our findings are telling and point to possible changes in drug transactions that may outlive the pandemic, we need to better understand the characteristics of the drug market realignment and what it means for law enforcement and policymakers. 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Comparing data characteristics and results of an online factorial survey between a population-based and a crowdsource-recruited sample. Sociological Science, 1 19 , — Welker, K. NBC News. Winstock, A. Download references. Virginia Tech, Old Turner St. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to James Hawdon. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Springer Nature or its licensor e. Reprints and permissions. Am J Crim Just 47 , — Download citation. Received : 01 March Accepted : 25 October Published : 11 November Issue Date : August Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Download PDF. Abstract This research uses longitudinal data to investigate if illegal online drug purchases changed over time during the COVID pandemic, and if these changes were primarily driven by users adjusting to market conditions or by a heightened level of pandemic-induced strain that could drive a greater demand for drugs. Has Covid permanently changed online purchasing behavior? Article Open access 16 January Personal use, social supply or redistribution? Use our pre-submission checklist Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript. This combination of factors has led us to three hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: There was an increase in purchasing illegal drugs online during COVID; Hypothesis 2: Individuals who were more strained were more likely to have purchased illegal drugs online; Hypothesis 3: There is an interaction between strain and COVID, such that the combination of strain and COVID increased the purchasing of illegal drugs online. Methods Data were collected using an online survey. Table 1 Comparison of Sample Demographics Full size table. Results In total, 9. Discussion The paper explored illegal online drug purchases during the pandemic and if these were related to time i. Limitations Although online non-probability samples are generally found to be similar to random probability-based samples MacInnis et al. Notes A number of scholars have discussed online drug markets prior to the pandemic e. References Agnew, R. Article Google Scholar Bourgois, P. Google Scholar Brooks, S. Article Google Scholar Duxbury, S. Google Scholar Hawdon, J. Article Google Scholar Hinduja, S. Book Google Scholar Jardine, E. Google Scholar Lehdonvirta, V. Google Scholar Slavova, S. View author publications. Additional information Publisher's Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Rights and permissions Springer Nature or its licensor e. About this article. Cite this article Hawdon, J. 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