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This article elucidates the dynamics that occur in relationships where there have been both substance use and domestic abuse. It draws interpretively on in-depth qualitative interviews with male perpetrators and their current and former partners. The criminological implications of the competing models of change deployed in drug treatment and domestic violence intervention are discussed alongside the policy and practice challenges entailed in reconciling them within intervention contexts where specialist service provision has been scaled back and victims navigate pressures to stay with perpetrators while they undergo treatment alongside the threat of sanction should they seek protection from the police and courts. Explanatory Note Clause 3: It is proposed that compliance with such orders will be secured in part through electronic monitoring. The Bill is informed by a prolonged consultation in which over 3, responses were received by government and expert opinion—primarily from organizations representing victims and survivors of domestic abuse and stalking—was submitted to two Home Affairs Committees House of Commons, Cross-party support for the Bill was secured: as politicians registered the volume of domestic abuse cases raised with them by constituents; amidst news that the daughter of an MP had committed suicide following a relationship in which she suffered psychological—but not physical—torment that caused her to fear that she was mentally ill Elgot, ; and during a campaign by David Challen to enable his mother to appeal her conviction for murdering his coercively controlling father Moore, But this Bill was conceived within a more nuanced policy agenda than its predecessors. This article responds to this call to redress the dynamics of power that occur in relationships where substance use and domestic abuse co-occur. We contribute to such an understanding through the presentation of three couple dyads—each comprising a male perpetrator and his female partner—interviewed in-depth for the UK National Institute for Health Research funded Advancing theory and treatment approaches for males in substance use treatment who perpetrate intimate partner violence ADVANCE programme 1. Our conclusion returns to the challenges the Domestic Abuse Bill poses to policy, practice and criminological theorizing. Evidence for the relationship between domestic abuse and drug and alcohol intoxication is plentiful in crime surveys but tends to focus, peculiarly, on the behaviour of victims more often than offenders. The international evidence reveals that men, but not women, tend to perpetrate more severe assaults when they have been drinking Graham et al. Women are more vulnerable to assault when they too are intoxicated, but this is at least partly because those living with abusers are less diligent at pursuing safety strategies when they have been drinking Iverson et al. Substance use features in around half of all UK domestic homicides. Since , substance use has been detected among domestic homicide perpetrators more than four times as often as it has among those killed by them Home Office, In sum, the relationship between substance use and domestic abuse is not straightforward. Moreover, Different substances have different pharmacological properties. Cocaine consumption can induce similar reactions. Like cannabinoids and opiates—the effects of which are rarely studied in the context of aggression or violence—cocaine can also alleviate anxiety and exacerbate underlying problems with depression, paranoia and hallucinations Sacks et al. Consequently, regular use of such drugs, like the consumption of excessive alcohol, can impinge upon mental well-being and intimacy, generating indirect and belated relationships between victimization and substance use that extend far beyond periods of intoxication. Feminist scholarship on domestic abuse has tended not to engage with the pharmacological impacts of substance use and has focussed instead on how some abusive men retain power over women by attributing their violence to intoxication, by insisting that their drinking caused them to act out of character, or by denying any memory of assaults perpetrated when intoxicated Hearn, ; MacKay, Evaluations of interventions for perpetrators have thus needed to be alert to the ways in which substance use is invoked to minimize violence. His analyses reveal that some victims do self-medicate to manage the depression the daily anticipation of violence engenders and that some perpetrators control victims by increasing their dependence on substances before restricting their access to them. Finally, Stark highlights that some women who have been terrorized over many years take matters into their own hands after the law has failed to protect them, mounting grievous attacks on perpetrators when they are too intoxicated to retaliate. This is despite clinical evidence suggesting that drug use and violence co-occur most among men with diagnosed mental health issues, poor concentration and problems understanding and remembering their pasts Sacks et al. Answers to this question can be found in the few qualitative studies that explore how drugs and alcohol feature in the relationships of couples living with domestic abuse. These reveal that some perpetrators pose greater risks to their partners, not when they are high, but when they are irritable, withdrawing or are struggling to finance alcohol or drug purchases Gilchrist et al. Follow-up interviews with 20 couples where alcohol consumption was noted by the police revealed that, although drunkenness and its expense were the source of many arguments that led to violence, social drinking, especially at parties, was also what held some relationships together. Afterwards, some couples reconciled on the basis that it was the alcohol that caused the conflict. Men who had caused injuries when intoxicated often claimed they could only recall feeling hurt—sometimes in ways that reminded them of painful experiences in their pasts—by female partners who criticized them or acted aggressively towards them and not the assaults they themselves had perpetrated. Motz depicts the emotionally impoverished lives of abusive men with whom some drug-using women cohabit, many of whom feared abandonment because of experiences of abuse, neglect or institutional care. Some women described engaging in prostitution to raise money for drugs as evidence of their love and care for male partners. When the women subsequently refused to raise funds in this way or sought support from professionals to reduce their own drug use, some male perpetrators threatened further violence whereas others encouraged them to relapse back onto heroin or crack, thus entrapping stigmatized and socially isolated women in relationships with them. In what follows, we expand the argument for a more relationally sensitive analysis of the dynamics of power that pertain in the lives of couples where domestic abuse towards a partner occurs alongside substance use. We seek to illustrate these points by drawing on dyad interviews—with male perpetrators in treatment for substance use problems together with their current and former female partners—undertaken for the ADVANCE programme. The ADVANCE programme seeks to develop and test an integrated intimate partner violence and substance use group intervention that will reduce intimate partner abuse perpetrated by men receiving substance misuse treatment. This involved interviewing male domestic abuse perpetrators receiving treatment for substance use and their current or former partners about their relationships and support needs. Adult men were recruited from six community-based substance use treatment services in London and the West Midlands. Seventy men were screened for lifetime domestic abuse against a partner. Men who currently had court orders preventing contact with their ex partners were excluded. Forty-seven of the 70 men screened were eligible, and 37 of these 47 men were then interviewed. Male interviewees were asked to provide contact details of their current or former female partners, and in 14 cases these women were interviewed. All participants were advised that there were limits to the confidentiality that could be afforded where unaddressed risks of harm and safeguarding issues were disclosed. Women and men were always interviewed by different researchers to ensure no information was inadvertently shared between participants. Interviews were undertaken using reflective techniques derived from the Free Association Narrative Interview Method Hollway and Jefferson, , with participants being supported through active listening to tell the stories of their drug use, relationships, domestic abuse and intervention experiences. Digital recordings of the interviews were transcribed verbatim and transcriptions were checked twice for errors. Timelines were created to track the sequence of events through the life of each participant. In terms of their drug use, the 14 men who were interviewed with their partners appeared to be broadly comparable with the other 23 whose partners were not interviewed Table 1. Nine out of the 14 were also heavy drinkers. Five of the 14 men also described medical or psychological diagnosis consistent with emotional dysphoria. Eight males disclosed perpetrating violence that was extra-familial in addition to their abuse of partners. Contact with children had, at some point or other, been restricted for all the men in the study. Given the high degree of similarity among the men on key variables, we explored if more meaningful distinctions could be drawn by distinguishing the dyads in terms of whether victims had ever used drugs and, if they had, whether they were desisting from substance use or still using. Only four of the women described themselves as substance dependent at the time of the interviews. Five had never been substance dependent, and another five were desisting from substance use, either having become completely abstinent from using or having only had temporary relapses. A three-fold distinction could thus be drawn across the dyads that revealed some important variations in terms of how domestic abuse and substance use manifested themselves. Within the sample, there were five couples where the female partner had never been substance dependent, though all the women interviewed drank alcohol socially, and one smoked cannabis occasionally. Women in this group had almost no involvement in crime. Four of these women had never been separated from their children, but one woman had children who had been required to live with their grandfather as she would not leave her abusive partner. Within the sample, there were five couples where the female partner had abstained from using drugs or alcohol, having previously been substance dependent. None of these women had criminal convictions. The stories these desisting women told tended to be of intimacy lost. Sharing feelings and traumas that motivated drug use, and about what made it difficult to give up, had generated understanding and closeness when they had first met their partners. Conflicts had then developed when the men resumed drug use or drinking whereas the women were trying to reduce their own or abstain. Only two of the women in this group had children of their own. In both cases, these women had raised their own children, but with some intermittent professional oversight. Within the sample, there were four couples where both the male perpetrator and the female victim were both currently substance dependent. All the women in this group used crack cocaine and heroin to varying degrees. Though they sometimes mentioned love, they often explained their persistence with relationships that had become abusive in terms of daily needs for protection, somewhere to live and the sharing of drugs. The women in this group had much more frequent and entrenched patterns of criminal involvement than the other 10 in the sample. Their criminal involvement activities included shoplifting, petty frauds and prostitution to finance their drug use, typically with encouragement from male partners who relied, to some extent, upon the income the women generated. All four women in this group had been separated from their children when these children were young, though two women had re-established relationships with their children in adulthood. In what follows, we present one couple from each of these groups to further illustrate the different power dynamics that can pertain in relationships where domestic abuse and substance use co-occur. Italics are used to highlight points where the participants emphasized a relationship between substance use and domestic abuse. Rhian recalled that Wayne first assaulted her within a couple of months of moving in. After a drink with friends and not knowing that she was already pregnant, Rhian felt ill and went to bed. Wayne provided a detailed account of the emptiness he felt. After a nurse overheard Wayne discussing drugs on his phone during one of the few antenatal appointments he attended, Rhian took the opportunity to ask him what it was about because she was concerned that social services would see a child protection risk for her baby. Sometimes Wayne would speed off, with their baby in the back of the car, in a hurry to buy drugs. The violence only ceased, Rhian said, when Wayne called the police on himself after pinning her down and grabbing her by the neck. Mitchel early fifties and June mid-forties were in a relationship for over 15 years. As a child, June was repeatedly coerced into having sex by a man who threatened to report her to social services for caring for her siblings while her mother received hospital treatment. When she became pregnant, she weaned herself off it but relapsed when her mother accused her of inviting the sexual abuse she was subjected to as a child. Mitchel made no mention of these incidents but said June had become domineering about domestic matters when he returned from university. The police attended but arrested neither of them as they had both been drinking. After a period in hospital, June said June contacted a drugs and alcohol dependency team who put her on a methadone programme, but Mitchel started taking the methadone because he feared he would lose the house and his children if June recovered. Joe mid-thirties and Kate late twenties had been together for six years. Kate had been sexually assaulted both as a child and as a teenager and was estranged from her family. Joe, whose parents were both deceased, was sexually abused while in care and was estranged from his siblings. He said he worried that Kate would be raped or killed by men she had clipped and that he had lost teeth defending her from men she had tricked. While Joe was in prison for this assault, Kate twice attempted suicide. In this article, we have presented three relationship scenarios where domestic abuse pertained alongside drug or alcohol dependency. Wayne, Mitchel and Joe all described discrete, regrettable and unplanned assaults that derived from everyday conflicts over alcohol and drug use, financial pressures, sexual jealousies and domestic chores: conflicts that were sometimes accentuated by being intoxicated. Nevertheless, the stories these men told suggested that their need to control became increasingly acute when their relationships were in crisis, when they had secrets to keep, when they felt dependent on drugs or alcohol, were afraid of losing their minds, their partners and their children, when money was scarce, and when homelessness and criminalization were distinct possibilities. Despite their unhappiness, these men, like their partners, often lacked the emotional strength and economic resources required to separate Walby and Towers, By contrast, Rhian, June and Kate, described steadily accumulating patterns of abuse, forgiven initially as promises of fresh starts, either in new places or after drug treatment, were made. Hence, the reasons these women stayed were complexly configured around drug and alcohol use. Then, as someone with little experience of either drugs or relationships, Rhian was persuaded to give Wayne another chance while he sought drug treatment, assuming mistakenly that this would redress his violence. June, by contrast, had some empathy with Mitchel, having relapsed with heroin herself and recognizing that her own drinking contributed to their arguments. June had been persuaded that moving might facilitate a fresh start, without drug use. However, when June sought opioid substitution treatment for herself, Mitchel found a new way of controlling her, diminishing her capacity to leave by controlling her access to her prescription and then trying to administer an overdose. The challenges for Kate were different again. She had a long history of heavy alcohol consumption and illicit drug use, the latter of which Joe had joined in with, compounding their mutual dependence on shoplifting and pseudo-sex work to maintain their supplies. Joe construed his heroin use as an attempt to empathize with Kate, though it appeared that he persisted with drug treatment partly because it legitimized his management of her drug use. For the women in these relationships, criminal justice intervention was often greeted with trepidation, for it rarely provided the protection it promised. For June and Kate, the pains of child abuse, mental health problems and bereavement were partly responsible for the solace they had sought in alcohol and heroin consumption, as well as in their relationships with men. However, as their drug and alcohol usage became complicated by domestic abuse, a range of different strategies were pursued by each couple, typically to avoid attracting the attention of social services or the police. These dynamics were compounded as drinking and drug use generated financial pressures, which intensified conflicts that left the women, as well as some of the men, feeling that their partners regarded sustaining their substance use as more important than their relationship, avoiding criminalization and social services intervention, and the threats posed by those from whom money and drugs had been borrowed or defrauded. Evidently, some abusive men tell highly convoluted stories to exonerate themselves. But some women who are the primary victims in such relationships do not and cannot always tell the whole truth either, not only because they fear further violence and abuse but also because of the stigma of their own drinking and drug use, the fear of child protection proceedings being instigated and the risk of being incriminated by perpetrators they have hit in self-defence or retaliated against Wolf et al. Like many of the men in the ADVANCE programme study, the perpetrators we have depicted here dealt with feelings of trauma and grief from their pasts through drug use and by scaring their partners in ways that the women experienced as acutely controlling. While frequently terrifying, such behaviour was not only instrumental and controlling but also expressive of how painful some aspects of their pasts were and how unwilling they were to concede their dependency on both substances and partners who provided care, funds, a place to live and the support needed to maintain precarious relationships with children. Similar experiences of child abuse, mental health problems and drug dependency were sometimes part of the story of intimacy that held these couples together despite grievous domestic abuse. Then, when the risk of criminalization or estrangement presented, men who were coercively controlling sometimes used such prehistories against their partners by threatening to expose them for raising children in contexts that were unsafe. It has, to some extent, been be amplified by the advent of gender-neutral policy, which recognizes that men can be victims too, alongside incident-focussed approaches to policing that direct attention to what has just happened—such as a man being hit—rather than the history of the relationship—such as a woman being terrified or controlled by the same man over a prolonged period Walklate et al. The Domestic Abuse Bill attempts to counter this risk by prohibiting perpetrators from cross-examining victims in the family courts and providing greater recognition of the impact of the ways in which economic abuse makes it harder for many victims to leave. But compelling alcohol and drug-using perpetrators to receive treatment may introduce unforeseen possibilities for coercive use of the law. Others will stay under the misapprehension that the domestic abuse will cease once treatment for substance use begins. This is an unlikely outcome, though intervention is nonetheless worthwhile. There is tentative evidence to suggest that reducing drinking among perpetrators can diminish resort to violence Wilson et al. But, although treatment interventions can reduce the harms of substance use, where drug and alcohol use and domestic abuse co-occur, treatment needs to be part of a range of measures that include support in changes in thinking and modes of relating, securing the housing and economic resources couples need to be able to contemplate living apart, the support and empowerment of survivors, the safeguarding of children and professional help with mental health problems. These skilled forms of intervention are critical to deescalating the dynamics that sustain substance use in the lives of people enduring the worst forms of domestic abuse but are often in short supply. One danger with compelling drug or alcohol treatment is that it will place clinicians and health practitioners in the ethically compromising position of having to report those who relapse, together with those whose prescriptions have proved insufficient, or who have decided that they would be better trying to reduce their substance use gradually, to the courts where they may face further criminalization Seddon, ; Werb et al. Hence, acknowledgement of complexities in the power dynamics of domestic abuse that co-occurs with drug, alcohol and mental health problems raises acute challenges, not only for the delivery of policy that attempts to reconcile safety, justice and rehabilitation but also for academics who have framed the problem of domestic abuse primarily as one of either gender or psychology. Not only do criminologists need to reconceptualize domestic abuse more dynamically but they must also ask why some men choose to secure control in coercive ways when so many other aspects of their lives appear out of control. There is a need to recognize how the interdependencies—including the prospect of economic abuse—involved in intimate relationships are intensified by poverty, stigma, co-dependency, child abuse and neglect, poor mental health and the fear of police and social services intervention. In theory and in practice, we must ensure that shorthand explanations derivative of personality disorders do not obscure what can be learnt from the more complex descriptions both survivors and perpetrators can offer of their relationships. Policymakers need also to ensure that evaluations of treatment options for substance-using perpetrators extend beyond the longstanding fixation with acquisitive crime to include measures that take stock of their impact on children and partners, whether current and former, and to recognize that establishing effective practice will require the reestablishment of expertize and service provision that is increasingly scarce. Benitez , B. Google Scholar. Brandon , M. Broyles , L. Dobash , R. Google Preview. Douglas , H. Elgot , J. Felson , R. Gadd , D. Gilbert , L. Gilchrist , G. Gossop , M. Graham , K. Hearn , J. Heidensohn , F. Rafter and F. Heidensohn , eds. Open University Press. HM Government. Hollway , W. Holtzworth-Munroe , A. Home Office. House of Commons Home Affairs Committee. Scandinavian University Press. Iverson , K. Johnson , M. New University Press. Kelly , L. Leonard , K. MacArthur , G. MacKay , F. Moore , A. Motz , A. Reno , J. Robinson , A. Cardiff University. Sacks , S. Seddon , T. Stark , E. Oxford University Press. Strang , J. Tolmie , J. Vigurs , C. Walby , S. Walklate , S. Werb , D. Wilson , I. Wolf , M. Hobart , M. Zinberg , N. Yale University Press. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Sign In or Create an Account. Sign in through your institution. Advanced Search. Search Menu. Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents Abstract. Correlations and typologies. Complex interdependencies. Group 1 exemplar. Victim was never substance dependent. Group 2 exemplar. Victim was desisting from substance use. Group 3 exemplar. Victim was substance dependent. Discussion and conclusion. Journal Article. David Gadd , David Gadd. Oxford Academic. Juliet Henderson. Polly Radcliffe. Danielle Stephens-Lewis. Centre for Violence Prevention, University of Worcester. Amy Johnson. Gail Gilchrist. Select Format Select format. Permissions Icon Permissions. Abstract This article elucidates the dynamics that occur in relationships where there have been both substance use and domestic abuse. Table 1 Open in new tab. Self-reported substance use within the sample. Number who said they had regularly used heroin. Number who said they had regularly used crack cocaine or powder cocaine. Number who said they had regularly used more than one illicit substance. Number who said their alcohol consumption had been high, heavy or problematic. Substance use among the 37 male perpetrators who undertook in-depth interviews 31 26 34 24 Substance use among the 14 male perpetrators whose partners were also interviewed 13 11 13 9 Substance use among the 14 female partners 7 5 6 6. Google Scholar PubMed. Google Scholar Crossref. Search ADS. Download all slides. Views 40, More metrics information. Total Views 40, Email alerts Article activity alert. Advance article alerts. New issue alert. Receive exclusive offers and updates from Oxford Academic. Citing articles via Web of Science Coercive Control. Barlow and S. More from Oxford Academic. Criminology and Criminal Justice. Social Sciences. Authoring Open access Purchasing Institutional account management Rights and permissions. Get help with access Accessibility Contact us Advertising Media enquiries.