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The dissolution of the NKR led to the demise of its leadership and paved the ground for the ethnic cleansing of the , ethnic Armenians. This blog post will address these issues without getting into the historical and standing geopolitical details of the conflict. After launching a military offensive in September , Azerbaijan regained control over a large portion of NKR and the majority of the surrounding districts within 44 days. Despite the significant losses and the uncertain status of the NKR, its self-governance, albeit shrunken, continued. The situation was deteriorating against the background of talks between Azerbaijan and the local Armenian authorities , as well as disagreements between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the terms of the November 9 ceasefire, specifically on the matter of opening up regional transportation connections through the Zangezur corridor. Eventually, against the backdrop of the grim humanitarian crisis brought on by the blockade, Azerbaijan launched an offensive over the breakaway region on September 19 of this year. Following a day of fighting and bombardment of civilian infrastructure in NKR, the de facto authorities agreed to surrender. The first round of talks between Azerbaijani authorities and Karabakh Armenian leaders took place in Yevlakh. A week later, the de facto authorities signed a decree on the dissolution of the NKR , which would be effective by the start of , formally ending more than 30 years of de facto statehood. The ethnic cleansing of the Karabakh Armenian population. The gradual process of the ethnic cleansing started in and was completed on September 30, Moreover, at least 64 people lost their lives while on the road during the exodus. Baku showcased extreme cynicism with its strategy of handing food and drinks to some fleeing civilians in front of the flashing cameras months after weaponizing hunger and attacking NKR. After the above events, Azerbaijan granted permission for a group of observers from the United Nations Resident Coordinator Office and other senior agency officials to conduct a monitoring mission in the recently regained territory. The visit and the following statement was received in Armenia merely as a propaganda attempt by Baku, as the statement released after the visit stressed that there was no evidence of violence against civilians, failing to adequately address the context of the ethnic cleansing and the humanitarian crisis. Although the exact number of Armenians still living in Nagorno-Karabakh is unknown, according to Tigran Grigoryan , a local political analyst, the number may be as few as Actual footage from Stepanakert, the capital of NKR, formerly home to 50, people but now looked more like a ghost town, was captured by an Al Jazeera television news crew , which arrived in Karabakh alongside the mission. While Azerbaijan sees the situation as a long-overdue moment of justice, Armenians see it as retaliation in a politicised legal system, which cannot offer a fair trial for its own subjects, let alone Armenians. Vardanyan was placed in a 4-month detention awaiting trial on terrorism-related charges. Next, the detention of Davit Babayan, the former foreign minister of Nagorno-Karabakh, who announced on Facebook that he would be handing himself over to the Azerbaijani soldiers, was confirmed by Azerbaijan. Currently, he faces 25 different charges, mainly related to separatism and terrorism. Nevertheless, it is not easy to imagine how exactly Armenia would be able to achieve those objectives without any international pressure. One of the most significant issues at hand is the fate of the Karabakh Armenians who found refuge in Armenia, as well as the few remaining Armenians in Karabakh mostly elderly and sick. While the Azerbaijani government has made pledges to reintegrate these Armenians following its victory, it has not offered any detailed roadmap for this. One underlying issue is that Azerbaijan does not recognise dual nationality, while the ethnic Armenian population in Karabakh has Armenian citizenship. Azerbaijan has also released footage from Migration Service claiming it had already begun accepting documents from Karabakh Armenians living in Stepanakert wishing to accept Azerbaijani citizenship. Nevertheless, some people have cast doubt on this. They have a specific history of conflict, and they have very serious security concerns. Thus, without genuine confidence-building efforts or international presence on the ground, a provision that Baku adamantly rejects, there is little to no chance that Karabakh Armenians will be able to return to their ancestral lands. The Committee for the Preservation of Artsakh Statehood, which was established by Armenian opposition leader Suren Petrosyan, arranged the meeting. While following the gathering, Shahramanyan declined to respond to media questions, Petrosyan stated that the process would continue. This may become a serious factor determining the domestic political situation in the next months or years in Armenia, defining power-struggle moments within the country. Specifically, many difficulties were brought about by refugee crisis, such as housing, food, and medication provision. Many individuals found shelter in various regions of Armenia, either with the assistance of their relatives and friends or government-provided temporary shelters. The volunteers welcomed the refugees in the nearby village of Kornidzor and Goris town. The government pledged to take all necessary steps to address the financial needs of the refugees and define their status, the latter being one of the most challenging issues. This news took aback many Karabakh Armenians since they assumed they were already citizens because they had Armenian passports since According to Artyom Sujyan, an advisor to the minister of justice, the passports were issued as international travel documents under an agreement between the ministers of internal affairs of the Republic of Armenia and the NKR. Nevertheless, doing so would render them ineligible for the social assistance provided to those registered as refugees. According to the results of the survey presented by MPG , the Armenian representative of the Gallup International Association, more than half of Armenians do not trust Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to this or that extent. Answering the question: The Pashinyan administration has already persevered through several trying moments and maintained its hold on power, primarily due to the lack of a strong political opposition that might provide a robust and forward-thinking vision for the future of Armenia unrelated to any former political personalities. De facto states research unit. Author: Sevanna Poghosyan. Share Facebook Twitter Messenger Email. Blog Posts. Terms of Use. Accept No thanks.

The Final Chapter of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic

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