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Bolivians have had to get used to doing without postal services. When I last visited the UK, I rediscovered with amazement passenger trains, takeaway meals and paying by card. In Bolivia, the post as I knew it does not exist. There are no street corner postboxes, postal workers making their daily rounds, or neighbourhood post offices. While there is a central post office, I have only ever used it as a landmark for meeting people. There is a national postal company, Ecobol, but it is mired in financial difficulty. President Evo Morales announced plans to close it in June , and while that has not happened yet, workers have been striking this year over months of unpaid salaries. My friends sometimes use it, but with mixed results: packages can take months to arrive, and sending items can be chaotic. The implications of not having domestic delivery are remarkably far-reaching. Electricity bills are often rolled up and balanced precariously in the hinges of the garden gate. I have seen utility bills blowing down the street in the wind. People who want to send parcels long-distance often give them to bus drivers, telling the recipients which company has it so they can pick it up at the terminal in their city — although not all cities have direct bus links. Those who want something from abroad are constantly on the lookout for anyone who is travelling. The last time my partner and I went back to the UK, we were asked to bring a bass guitar in its case, a large quantity of diabetes medication, two teflon-coated milk jugs, Guinness and a five-foot unicycle. Setting up a postal system in a country with so much migration from countryside to city would be complicated at any rate. In the barrios where I work, the streets have no names and the houses, no numbers. Many homes have sprung up, quite at random, in the past 20 years. It would be hard to label envelopes to houses with no address. Common pieces of post like bank statements, utility bills and junk mail are often irrelevant in a country which does its finances and utilities differently. Only 42 per cent of Bolivians have bank accounts according to World Bank figures, making regular paper statements beside the point for many. In poor areas of Cochabamba , water is often delivered by truck or comes from a system run by the community. Newspapers are bought from sellers on the street corner. Not having a home delivery postal system is just one piece in a large jigsaw that also includes lack of banking access, infamously slow internet, and customs delays. Books and films are often pirated, originals are prohibitively expensive, and there are no large chain bookshops in Cochabamba able to leverage their size to offer books from all over the world — although there is much to be said for the independent bookshops boasting ample collections of Bolivian writing. Ultimately, lack of access to books, films and other art makes it hard to access ideas. Domestic delivery post is not what Bolivia needs most. As internet use grows, correspondence and utility bills may be able to skip the paper stage entirely. Domestic post is not the only way to send parcels. But my letters from Cochabamba will never come with a stamp on them. Amy Booth is a freelance journalist and circus instructor living in Cochabamba, Bolivia. This article is from the December issue Clampdown! Subscribe today. A new history of pro-Zionist pressure is strongest in its simplicity, writes Rob Norman. Bethany Rielly pays tribute to the Palestinian journalist Wafa Aludaini who was killed by an Israeli airstrike on 30 September. Unlikely candidates have joined the fray in Kashmir's first elections in a decade. Haziq Qadri reports. Green politics has grown across the Global North. But can green parties really deliver progressive change? By Coll McCail. Subscribe Today. Never miss another story! Sign up to NI weekly Our free, weekly newsletter with the best of our journalism. Enter your email address. Latest stories. Discover unique global perspectives Support cutting-edge independent media Magazine delivered to your door or inbox Digital archive of over issues Fund in-depth, high quality journalism Subscribe Today.

Cochabamba: when the post doesn’t come

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At the heart of the struggles is the so-called self-determination movement of the Santa Cruz province, in eastern Bolivia. Although, as in all provinces, indigenous peoples are the majority and the white Spanish are a minority, the latter are demanding their right to independence. Multinationals and oligarchic interests are overwhelmingly concentrated in the Santa Cruz province. They have organised private armies and staged fuel strikes and lockouts in order to push this agenda. Centre-left president Evo Morales and his government, now in power for over a year, are strongly opposed to this. However, rather than expropriating the big magnates and disarming the ruling class, as the social movements have always demanded, he is offering the far right appeasement. He has drawn up a constitution whereby any measure taken by the Constituent Assembly will require a two-thirds majority. Since the candidates to the left of his MAS party were all undemocratically thrown out of the elections, and MAS holds barely half of the seats in the Constituent Assembly, this necessarily means that he will have to make alliances with the reactionary parties of white oligarchs. The attitude of many rank-and-file MAS members, and indeed the millions who voted for them, has not been the same - they are burning with anger about the death blow which the right hope to inflict on the Bolivian economy. On 4 January, this opposition exploded in Cochabamba, which saw two weeks of blockades, strikes and protests in order to unseat Reyes Villa, a multi-millionaire governor who has publicly supported the Santa Cruz movement, including organising racist militias which have murdered peasants. His call for a referendum on a proposal for regional autonomy even though this was only recently defeated in a referendum sparked a mass uprising. The governor fled the city and went to Santa Cruz, from where he is still yet to return. The Coordinadora, the collective which organised the mass movement against water privatisation in the city, was a leading element in the demonstrations against Reyes Villa. The struggle was a detonator for other movements in Bolivian society, setting off a wave of class struggle over demands for nationalisations and democracy nationwide. MAS however has not supported the movement in Cochabamba. In spite of his behaviour, we respect the fact that he is the elected governor. As a result of these strikes and protests, 16 January saw a popular assembly called by the local trade union leaders in order to elaborate a plan to replace Reyes Villa by MAS representatives through legal channels. At the meeting, which attracted thousands of workers and peasants from various social movements, the majority disagreed with the official trade union line, instead calling for the occupation of the prefectura and immediate elections for their own candidate. What exists now in Cochabamba is a state of limbo, which surely cannot continue for long. Manfred Reyes Villa has no legitimacy whatsoever, and his government is not functioning at all. But neither does the Revolutionary Provincial Government exercise effective power - it is a campaign and a flag to rally round, but it does not control the police or communications. This is not an insurmountable challenge - did, after all, see a widespread police mutiny where the poorly paid and over-stretched police supported the demonstrations and general strikes for the nationalisation of gas reserves, refusing to fight the people, and then actively battled with the army in defence of the mass movement. However, the level of struggle in Cochabamba is not what it was one month ago. There is quiet - but the situation of a lack of provincial government cannot last forever. All of this however reflects a more central problem for the Bolivian working class and the peasantry rallied around its struggles. Political strategy is lacking. Whereas the struggles since included an impressive array of general strikes, a mass police mutiny and the forced resignation of two presidents, the workers have been unable to take power for themselves. We welcome replies and debate pieces on this article. Contact us. This website uses cookies, you can find out more and set your preferences here. Help support our work! We have no big money backers. We rely on sales and donations to keep us going. Or take out a subscription to our weekly paper, Solidarity. Donate and subscribe here. Submitted by cathy n on 23 February, - Suggested Reading. Brings you to tears, makes your blood boil Review of Women Talking. Bolivia: battle for democracy After being expelled from office, Bolivia's left has won new elections. How Che Guevara should not be commemorated. Free Bolivian trade unionists! End the state of siege! A brief report on the suppression of union rights Solidarity , 22 February Bolivia. I Agree.

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