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All accepted abstracts will also be published in our event catalog and you will be invited to share a PDF of your poster on the MCW Community Engagement website. For those interested in participating in our poster session, please submit your abstract for consideration using our online submission form. The submission deadline is Sunday, September 22, , p. Applicants will be notified by October 8 if abstracts have been accepted. Evaluating heart health in cancer patients using advanced magnetic resonance imaging. Advanced imaging reveals the effect of chemotherapy on heart function in sarcoma. Artificial Intelligence techniques allow for automatic and fast evaluation of cardiac function: A proof-of-concept study. Augustine Preparatory Academy by Jenna E. Watch Recording. Emergency Department Utilization by Kaitlyn S. Hillmer, PhD; Teresa N. Horng, BA; Michelle C. Jablonski, BA; Zeno E. Franco, PhD; Adina L. Norrbom, MD; Dima T. Lundh, MD; Annette L. Giangiacomo, MD; Deborah M. Whorton; Spenser T. Marting; Staci A. Young, MD; Rebecca C. Nelson; Patrick D. Cultivating Capacity. View full conference program and poster abstracts PDF. There's more than one way to connect with us - join our email list for program news and event updates, or keep up with us on our socials! Join our email list. Community Engagement. Mark your calendars for Thursday, November 14 from 9 a. Explore exciting poster presentations showcasing community engagement projects and connect with MCW faculty, staff, students, and our academic and community collaborators. The annual community engagement poster session is scheduled for Thursday, November 14, , from 9 a. Abstracts must clearly demonstrate a direct connection to the community by meeting at least one of the following criteria: Describe projects, metrics, outcomes, or lessons learned from the field of community-engaged research CEnR. Developed in direct collaboration with community members or stakeholders and demonstrates a deep practical understanding of the needs and priorities of the communities. Address topics including: community-academic partnerships for health; community-centered information systems design; community-based intervention evaluation; or description of community-engaged educational offerings for learners of any audience. If you are unsure about whether your abstract meets these criteria, we encourage you to complete and submit the form below and we will connect with you to clarify any issues. Research projects must have received appropriate review and approval or exemption. We welcome abstracts of original work that have not previously been peer-reviewed and those that have been previously presented, whether virtually or in person, if audience members were not primarily from MCW. Participation in Poster Session. Submission Form. In contrast to typical academic conferences, posters should use language that is understandable by the general public. Therefore please avoid using overly scientific or technical jargon. Abstracts must be words or less this does not include abstract title or list of authors. Please strive to follow a standard abstract format which includes the following sections: Overview or Background Problem statement or Objective Method Results Conclusion Please complete the form to submit an abstract for consideration. Abstracts must be submitted by p. The Office of Community Engagement hosted its 9th annual community engagement poster session in person on Thursday, November 9, The event showcased community engagement work by MCW students, staff, faculty, and academic and community collaborators. All accepted abstracts are featured in our poster session abstract catalog PDF. The Office of Community Engagement hosted its 8th annual poster session in person on Thursday, November 3, The session showcased projects, research, and lessons learned from the field of community-engaged research by MCW students, staff, faculty, and academic and community collaborators. All accepted abstracts are featured in our poster session catalog PDF. Watch the recorded presentations, and also as a supplement to our live event, watch the pre-recorded presentations of additional posters for on-demand viewing. All accepted posters and abstracts are featured in our poster session catalog. Pre-recorded Poster Presentations. Sherman, Clement V. Therapy; Gerald F. Comparing Nutrition Lessons: Virtual vs. Expand the names of the breakout rooms on the right to view poster titles and authors. Full-size posters and recordings of the presentations are available at the bottom of each section. On behalf of Syed M. Though we are unable to gather in person during this unprecedented time, we are excited to try something new and recreate our poster session virtually. We hope that this new platform provides an opportunity to explore and look at the traditional poster session through a new lens. With the many challenges faced by our healthcare system and by our communities alike during this time, we want to encourage people to innovate not only by doing community engagement, but also in how we engage each other, for the overall health and benefit of the communities we serve. Community engagement, one of the four missions at the Medical College of Wisconsin MCW , is richly embedded in our programs and throughout our centers, institutes, and departments. The Office of Community Engagement is proud of the many community engaged works happening across MCW campuses and in Wisconsin communities, as well as the expertise and commitment to the practice of community engagement by faculty, staff, students, and community partners. We are fostering future leaders in community engagement by leveraging the mentorship, experience, insights, and efforts offered by these practitioners. It is only through genuine partnerships, and mutual, longstanding commitments to the communities we serve, that MCW can impact lives and play a role in improving health in Wisconsin. Thank you for contributing to leadership and excellence in community engagement and promoting the health of the community through education, research, and patient care! Child Health, Care and Education. Community Health and Clinical Care. Creative Care for Vulnerable Populations. Health Communication and Messaging. Medical Student Education and Research. Taking Care and Giving Care. 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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Gang membership is an indicator of chronic substance use. Gang youth, however, have differential attitudes towards the use of various illegal drugs. Perspectives with good explanatory power should be flexible enough to elucidate these distinctions regarding illicit substance use patterns and preferences. Major criminological theories, such as disorganization theory, general strain theory, and the general theory of crime i. However, these theories are unhelpful in explaining at least two things about illicit drug use. For one, the theories are less clear on why youth use certain illegal drugs, but refrain from using others. This is important. Evidence suggests that young drug users in the general United States population have polarizing attitudes about various illegal drugs, whereby a hierarchy of acceptable substances has emerged, with marijuana being seen as significantly less harmful and more social than others e. A second concern with applying these major criminological theories towards substance use is the non-problematic and utilitarian nature of the use of certain illegal drugs for youth. Rather, the use of certain substances may be viewed as routine, common practices. In such cases, difficulty arises in explaining such behaviors in pathological terms Young, , Theories with good explanatory power should be flexible enough to elucidate these distinctions regarding illicit substance use patterns and preferences among youth. One concept that espouses this flexibility is the drug normalization thesis. Originally developed by Howard Parker, Fiona Measham and Judith Aldridge, the normalization thesis rejects explanations of drug use set in the discourse of pathology, and emphasizes instead the value individuals place on the use of illegal drugs, as well as how such drugs are used in the context of pleasure. Rather, it has focused on how the uses of some drugs, particularly marijuana, have moved from the periphery towards the center of popular youth culture and are a very common feature of the leisure landscape. However, a few drug researchers have examined its applicability to samples of illegal drug users with significant involvement in offending in the United States e. This manuscript has two objectives. The first part of the manuscript presents these data, including the initiation, frequency of use, administrations, and polydrug combinations for a variety of illegal drugs. The point here is to update and expand what is known about drug use patterns among gang members in Los Angeles. The second objective is to contextualize illicit drug use among the sample, with a particular focus on how the normalization thesis fits with the sample's patterns of use and attitudes towards marijuana. The manuscript then offers a discussion on the methodological, practical and theoretical implications of the study's findings. The youth belonged to a variety of gangs that have been in existence for generations. All youth enrolled in the study self-identified as gang members, and the adults who helped to recruit them confirmed the youths' age and status as current gang members. Data are based on digitally recorded in-depth interviews, conducted by the author with the aide of a laptop computer utilizing interview-managing software i. Questionnaire Design Studio. Closed-ended interview questions captured quantitative socio-demographic data and epidemiological data on illicit substance use, and open-ended questions captured qualitative data on youths' overall attitudes about substance. Qualitative data also probed cultural minutiae among the sample, such as musical preferences, street names and body modifications i. Interviews typically lasted between 60 and 90 minutes and were carried out face-to-face in privacy at the CBO or a nearby restaurant. All youth expressed appreciation for such incentives. Table 1 presents socio-demographic data on the sample. The sample was predominately male Many in the sample reported on community, family, and school risk factors consistent in the research literature with those associated with gang membership Gatti et al. For instance, African American and Latino youth are at an increased risk of joining gangs, and all youth in the study were African American, Latino, or a combination of these identities. Regarding community risk factors, all youth were recruited from specific areas within Los Angeles with significant histories of gangs, illicit drug sales, and crime. All youth discussed being members of gangs that have been in existence for generations. In terms of family risk factors, a proportion of the youth reported issues of poverty: Other family risk factors reported were being raised by one parent Regarding school risk factors, over one-third Many of the youth also reported involvement in criminal justice system. For instance, Other physical and mental health questions among the youth were also asked to obtain a fuller profile of their backgrounds. Regarding mental health, Regarding physical health, Table 2 provides data on illicit substance use patterns among the sample. As illustrated, the sample used a wide variety of illicit substances, with an emphasis on marijuana. Marijuana was the most commonly used illicit substance Mean frequencies were calculated without these numbers. Youth reported two general types of marijuana use, which may be referred to as low and high grade. High-grade marijuana is often grown indoors through hydroponics, and is generally more potent than low-grade marijuana, which is often grown outdoors. Rates of use for crystal methamphetamine, ecstasy, prescription opiates e. Rates of use for PCP, psilocybin mushrooms, and inhalants e. The least reported drugs used were LSD, prescription stimulants e. After marijuana, the most frequently used illicit substances, on average, were crystal methamphetamine The least commonly used ones were inhalants 4. The earliest used substances after marijuana were inhalants The latest used substances were ecstasy Regarding administrations, marijuana was commonly smoked, but also eaten when cooked into baked goods e. Crystal methamphetamine and powder cocaine were smoked and sniffed, but also swallowed, either directly or when put in a beverage e. Ecstasy was swallowed in pill form and smoked when crushed and mixed with other substances in a marijuana joint. Crack cocaine was swallowed or smoked directly in a pipe, bong or within a marijuana joint. Prescription opiates, stimulants and benzodiazepines were swallowed in pill form, smoked when crushed and combined with other substances in a marijuana joint, or sniffed directly after being crushed. PCP was smoked in cigarettes or marijuana joints that had been dipped in a liquid version of the drug. Heroin was only smoked and LSD was only swallowed. Psilocybin mushrooms were dried and then swallowed or smoked in a marijuana joint. These included 14 different combinations of two substances and four different combinations with three substances, which are listed in Table 3. The most common of these combinations was the sequential use of alcohol and marijuana Outside of these data, one youth reported a sequential combination of four substances alcohol, crystal methamphetamine, powder cocaine, and ecstasy , another youth reported a sequential combination of five substances alcohol, marijuana, powder cocaine, ecstasy and psilocybin mushrooms , and another youth reported a simultaneous combination of six substances marijuana, powder cocaine, crack cocaine, crystal methamphetamine, heroin and PCP. R: It's a \[marijuana\] joint, with glass \[crystal methamphetamine\], heroin, coke, some cavi \[crack cocaine\], roll it up and dipped in sherm, dipped in PCP. However, youth did not always associate smoking a p-dog with using crack, as the below interview excerpt illustrates:. Other research on drug use among gang members reveals some similar substance use patterns reported on here. Such high rates of marijuana use were also reported here. Amphetamine use among the sample is also at parallel levels reported in other gang research Hunt et al. However, rates of use for powder cocaine, heroin, LSD, PCP, and non-medical prescription drugs were significantly higher in other studies on drug use among gang members Fagan, ; Hagedorn et al. Others, however, have found support for the normalization thesis as it relates to specific illicit substances among certain populations Duff, ; MacKenzie et al. Evidence from the present study indicates something similar: Illicit drug use is not normalized among the gang youth in this study; marijuana use, though, appears to be normalized. Various aspects about the sample's marijuana use suggest its normalized character. For instance, marijuana was the most commonly and frequently used illicit substance, as well as the earliest one used. Marijuana was also included in 14 of the 21 polydrug combinations, more than any other substance. Marijuana was also perceived by more than half of the sample These qualities suggest at least three characteristics of marijuana normalization: high rates of lifetime use; high rates of relatively recent use; and, as drug of choice implies, intent to use the drug in the near future. Another characteristic that supports marijuana normalization among the sample is their availability of the drug. Of the 59 youth in the sample who had used marijuana, 8. An additional indicator of marijuana normalization among the sample is their positive attitudes about the drug. Of the 59 youth in the sample who used marijuana, 3. The remainder of the sample Marijuana is really not a drug…they are giving \[it\] away to people now \[at\] the doctor. The acceptability of marijuana was also shared by many of the gang youths' peers and relatives. While 8. Youth thus knew, on average, about eight others within their social networks who held positive attitudes towards marijuana use data not shown. While marijuana was clearly available to the sample, so too were other illicit drugs. Many youth had personal experiences with such drugs, whether from their own use or seeing such use in their communities. Through such exposure, the youth were able to formulate largely negative attitudes about illegal drugs other than marijuana. An additional Negative opinions about illicit drug use other than marijuana stemmed from direct experiences with using such drugs — either their own use or such use by their immediate family members. These included the following:. I don't like how you look after smoking crack. It's not even cool. I don't like that shit. Cause that's the drug my mom died over, so it was very personal. I just won't fuck with \[heroin\]. Wow, well, meth, I mean, will eat the shit out of your body…\[it will\] make you an ugly person. I have a lot of older friends that I remember, that immediate family, like my grandparents, brother, sister, mom, my mom's friends — they are all on crack. Honestly, I don't like the way it works. I know what people do for crack. I know what they do. People get addicted to it. I am too scared. I just don't like the effect…you sweat, and you don't get hungry and you start getting white, you know? Negative opinions also stemmed from indirect experiences, such as knowing or witnessing individuals use drugs other than marijuana or hearing stories about such use in their neighborhoods, including the following:. Cuz I have seen people do \[heroin\]. People get strung out and end up with big o' lumps on their hands…when you stop doing it, you get sick, start throwing up…why do that? He had a heart attack. His heart popped…Then his cousin and then his brother…my gang team. I have seen people dying from overdoses of heroin and like the sickness it gives you. I just don't like it. Cause I used to see people that do that \[heroin\]. They would just be in the streets, laying down and being stupid, you know. Others also felt that the use of hard drugs was not conducive to what it meant to be a gang member:. We have a little code that you can't touch none of that \[meth or\] you get your ass beat. I was more into gang life, as in put in work 4. I wanted to put more work in than be a drug addict. I wanted to prove something to somebody or to everybody that I would be one of the hardest gang members out here and to show that I can put in work and not be afraid without ever having done drugs. Some peoples when they try to go put in work, they usually get…brave when they are high on some type of drug to pump them up to do things. Waldorf found something similar to this last point. Gang members constantly need to display toughness, loyalty and courage — key values among such youth Sanders, The above excerpts suggest that the use of drugs outside of marijuana may compromise gang youth's ability to activate these values. As such, they largely limited their use to marijuana. For these youth, using drugs other than marijuana appears to go against the grain of what it means to them to be a gang member. Marijuana has remained a staple within gang cultures for decades, just as the use of other drugs has been heavily stigmatized, especially heroin, methamphetamine, and crack cocaine Moore, ; Taylor, Thus, the sample's preference for marijuana and rejection of other illicit drugs reflects a tradition within gang culture about the uses of and attitudes towards various illicit drugs. The sample have values that are similar to youth in general regarding illicit substance use. For instance, sentinel data among youth in the United States reveals a sharp distinction between the perceptions of harmfulness associated with marijuana in comparison to the other illicit drugs, particularly crack cocaine and heroin Johnston et al. The most recent Monitoring the Future study indicated that while about a quarter of high school seniors Comparable sentiments were reported by the sample, whereby attitudes towards marijuana use were much different from those regarding the use of other illicit drugs. Similarly, some researchers have found support for the normalization thesis in relation to young offenders as it pertains to the use of some drugs Hammersley et al. The fact that the use of certain drugs are normalized among young offenders may come as no surprise, and, instead, be argued away as yet another aspect of their criminality. In such cases, the theories utilized to help explain why they commit property, violent and other offences e. However, drug normalization studies on criminal youth, similar to those on non-criminal youth, also indicate that only some drugs are normalized, particularly marijuana. The similarity of values between the sample, youth in general, and youth from other drug normalization studies further complicate the applicability of major criminological theories towards understanding gang youths' differential patterns of substance use. If this is the case, then it becomes problematic to explain substance use among young offenders as an extension of pathology because the values they have regarding illicit drug use are similar to those held by conventional youth. A final trait among the sample that indicates that marijuana is normalized are cultural aspects of the lives that support such use. These included their preference for rap music, marijuana-related tattoos and, in a few cases, the nicknames of the youth themselves. For instance, the sample generally listened to rap music. The use of illicit substances is a perennial theme in many types of music, but seems to be more common in rap music. A recent analysis of lyrics containing references to substance use by musical genre confirms this. Out of all the illicit drugs, marijuana shares a particular relationship with rap music Sanders, a. Cypress Hill; Dr. Dre; Snoop Dogg. Overall, rap music well reflected the sample's attitudes towards marijuana use. Marijuana-related tattoos were also evident in the sample, the most common of which was a character smoking a joint. A final cultural trait supportive of marijuana use was the street names of the youths. In several cases, youth explained how their street names were directly related to their preference for marijuana e. Music is a central cultural aspect of this homology. For instance, rap music not only advocates the use of marijuana, it also often frowns upon the use of other illicit drugs, particularly crack cocaine and heroin. Rap music both reflects the sample's illicit substance use patterns and attitudes towards them: marijuana use was widespread and promoted, but the use of other illicit drugs was limited, and in some cases heavily discouraged. Identity is linked to music and other cultural attributes, and, as such, the sample may have constructed their identities regarding illicit drug use based on the lyrics from the songs of their favorite rappers Bennett, , ; Rojek, In terms of illicit substance use, by acting like the gangsta rappers they listen to, the sample further reproduces and identifies with how they believe real life gangsters should behave. Study findings make no claims at generalizability. Many limitations inherent in exploratory qualitative studies on high-risk populations are evident within this research. These include a small, unrepresentative sample size, recall bias regarding events that occurred in the past, and the possibility of socially desirable responses. The sample was also relatively young i. Research on gang members often mention high levels of drug use in comparison to non-gang members, but do not detail which substances are being used, nor their frequencies of use e. Gatti et al. Other studies specifically among gang members do provide these data, but often do not present data on initiation, drug administrations, nor polydrug combinations e. Fagan, ; Hunt et al. This study is the first known one that has attempted to move towards an epidemiology of illicit substance use among gang youth in Los Angeles. However, the study failed to capture important epidemiological data, such as the day use of drugs other than marijuana, profiles of drug use among different age groups and between the sexes, lifetime and day frequencies of polydrug use, and the extent specific negative health outcomes were related to the use of particular illicit substances or their combinations. Future studies on gang youth and illicit substance use should focus on these aspects. Nonetheless, the epidemiological data have some important implications. As expected, lifetime rates of illicit substance use among the sample were much higher than those reported by youth of similar ages in national sentinel data e. Monitoring the Future ; Johnston et al. For instance, high school seniors, whose average age of between 17 and 18 mirrors the mean age the sample, had lifetime rates of marijuana use at Similar, vast differences were also reported in the lifetime rates of other recorded drugs between high school seniors and the sample e. The broad polydrug mixtures were less expected. Many in the sample reported unique drug combinations, some of them involving up to six different substances. Given the gang youths' wide-range of illicit substance use and the ever-expanding list of available non-medical prescription drugs and legal substances e. These endless mixtures present a challenge in the collection of proper epidemiology data on illicit substance use patterns and profiles among gang youth. The epidemiology data from the sample corroborate with more recent data on substance use among gang youth indicating that the drug-use repertoires of gang members are broader than reported in previous decades. In this respect, as the types of illicit substances used among youth in general has widened, so too does it appear to have broadened within gang culture. For instance, sentinel data shows that the reported rates of ecstasy, crystal methamphetamine, and non-medical prescription drugs among youth have become more prevalent within the last 15 years Johnston et al. Recent studies on substance use among gang youth have also reported the use of these drugs De La Rosa et al. The high frequencies of illicit drug use also have implications for how gang youth are generally perceived. Gang membership is thus a master indicator of increased criminality, and responded to as such. The evidence from the current study, much of which is in agreement with previous studies on gang youth, also suggests that gang membership is an indicator of chronic substance use. Given that such youth are significantly exposed to a variety of negative health outcomes in relation to their illicit substance use, interventions geared towards youth currently involved in gangs may be better served by giving priority to attending substance use-related issues within their lives. If substance use and gang-related issues are interwoven, then perhaps interventions focusing on reducing harm associated with substance use may also have a knock-on effect of reducing harm associated with gang membership. The youth had first hand experiences with many drugs— either from their own previous use or that of their friends and family— that helped shape their negative opinions of those other than marijuana. Thus, while gang membership may be linked to increasing the exposure of youth to various illicit drugs, such exposure, in turn, appears to be strongly related to reasons related to the sample's negative opinions about certain drugs, particularly crack cocaine, crystal methamphetamine, and heroin. One implication for intervention here is that, in order to properly address substance use issues among gang youth, programs that move beyond traditional educational models are much needed. A currently practiced way in Los Angeles to do this could be through outreach work, particularly the type conducted by gang interventionists — individuals who are often former gang members tied to a local CBO. However, the extent that gang interventionists or others that work directly with gang youth are adequately trained to provide substance use harm reduction messages is unclear. So, too, is the degree to which gang intervention is at all measured and, from there, the potential effects of such an intervention. Few gang intervention organizations across the United States — let alone Los Angeles — can offer any evidence that their programs are effective. More work with gang interventionists in this area is much needed. Marijuana use was distinct from that of other illicit drugs used by the sample. Many gang youth did not progress onto other drugs after using marijuana, and most of those who did shunned continued use due to direct or indirect negative experiences and returned exclusively to marijuana use. Marijuana use was perceived as less risky and more acceptable from youth sampled across gang cultures in Los Angeles in comparison to other illicit drugs. Not one of the youths discussed other illicit drugs with the same positive overtones as expressed with marijuana. Cultural attributes of the sample, particularly music, also championed marijuana use. These characteristics suggested that marijuana use was normalized among the sample. Other researchers, too, have offered support for the normalized character of marijuana use among gang youth MacKenzie et al. Illicit drug use among the sample can seemingly be divided into two categories: marijuana and everything else. While the normalization thesis fits with the sample's marijuana use, it does not fit with overall patterns of substance use. This is to say that marijuana was normalized among the gang youth, but the use of all illicit drugs was not. The question still remains then how to best understand substance use patterns outside of marijuana among the sample. As such, while marijuana was normalized across the gang members, perhaps illicit substance use in general may be normalized only among certain youth in the sample. If this is the case, then more fine-tuned research questions are needed to determine what, if anything, are related to these differential patterns of use. Just as some gang youth may have experienced more strain, have higher levels of low self control, and reside in worse socially disorganized communities — all characteristics associated with illicit drug use in general — drug normalization research needs to further examine intra group differences that may further elucidate differential patterns of illegal drug use. In conducting such research, what is needed are questions that help reveal which combinations of risk factors are related to the use of specific types of illicit substances, as well how these combinations are related to specific frequencies of use. Perhaps future research will provide further answers. The views expressed within are the author's own. Thanks to S. Thanks to Judith Aldridge, David Moore and anonymous reviewers for reading earlier drafts and providing invaluable comments. The assistance of the following community members is greatly appreciated, for without their help this research would not have been possible: E. Banda, Outreach Coordinator, St. Joseph's Center; R. Cortez at Clare Foundation; M. Gutierrez, D. Godinez, Soledad Enrichment Action, Inc. Finally, the deepest appreciation is owed to the youth who shared their lives. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. J Youth Stud. Published in final edited form as: J Youth Stud. Find articles by Bill Sanders. Issue date PMC Copyright notice. The publisher's version of this article is available at J Youth Stud. Male Open in a new tab. Ever used combinations with two substances Ever used combinations with three substances 1. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

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