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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. In the aftermath of a decade-long Maoist civil war in Nepal and the recent relocation of thousands of Bhutanese refugees from Nepal to Western countries, there has been rapid growth of mental health and psychosocial support programs, including posttraumatic stress disorder PTSD treatment, for Nepalis and ethnic Nepali Bhutanese. This medical anthropology study describes the process of identifying Nepali idioms of distress and local ethnopsychology and ethnophysiology models that promote effective communication about psychological trauma in a manner that minimizes stigma for service users. Psychological trauma is shown to be a multi-faceted concept that has no single linguistic corollary in the Nepali study population. Respondents articulated different categories of psychological trauma idioms in relation to impact upon the heart-mind, brain-mind, body, spirit, and social status, with differences in perceived types of traumatic events, symptom sets, emotion clusters, and vulnerability. Trauma survivors felt blamed for experiencing negative events, which were seen as karma transmitting past life sins or family member sins into personal loss. Some families were reluctant to seek care for psychological trauma because of the stigma of revealing this bad karma. In addition, idioms related to brain-mind dysfunction contributed to stigma while heart-mind distress was a socially acceptable reason for seeking treatment. Different categories of trauma idioms support the need for multidisciplinary treatment with multiple points of service entry. This statement can imply that the seventeen symptoms comprising the current diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder PTSD cannot be identified among Nepalis. Another interpretation is that a PTSD-like construct is not present in local languages and conceptualizations of suffering, emotions, behavior, and perception. If the person were referring to the first interpretation—that one could not find the symptoms comprising PTSD among Nepalis—then he would have been wrong. Similarly, every study in Nepal that has looked for PTSD has found it: 53 percent prevalence among internally displaced persons Thapa and Hauff , 55 percent among child soldiers Kohrt, et al. However, the mere identification of PTSD symptoms in a population has questionable therapeutic utility. Observation of PTSD symptoms does not, in-and-of-itself, immediately reveal optimal clinical care or other intervention. Understanding personal or social meanings and experiences of distress associated with traumatic events also are necessary for effective treatment. The question of whether or not a local construct for PTSD or psychological trauma exists is crucial to identify persons who are locally recognized as needing support, employ existing healing practices, understand the social significance for persons labeled locally as having psychological trauma, and determine if persons with the label are stigmatized and deprived of care. All of these factors become important when considering how to alleviate suffering for survivors of traumatic events. Hinton and Lewis-Fernandez in press have identified seven forms of clinical relevance for idioms of distress: indicators of psychopathology, indicators of risk for destructive behavior, indicators of life distress, indicators of past exposure to trauma, indicators of psychosocial functioning, causes of distress, and targets for therapeutic intervention. Compared to the number of epidemiological studies of PTSD, there is a dearth of studies of these local conceptual frameworks influencing diagnosis and treatment psychological trauma in non-Western settings Lemelson, et al. Such studies are not trivial. When trauma-healing programs do not address local psychological frameworks, there is risk of unintended consequences such as degeneration of local support systems, pathologizing and stigmatizing already vulnerable individuals, and shifting resources from social and structural interventions Argenti-Pillen ; Kleinman and Desjarlais ; Summerfield ; Proper identification and understanding of local concepts and idioms not only reduces risk of harm, it also enables improved treatment such as selection of culturally-appropriate therapeutic interventions Hinton and Lewis-Fernandez in press. Investigating the presence of local PTSD-like constructs within non-Western frameworks of emotions, behavior, and perception is additionally important because of the history of changing psychological trauma concepts within Western culture. Rather, PTSD is only the most recent incarnation of describing, identifying, and treating a manifestation of psychological suffering in Western ethnopsychiatry. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-III diagnostic construct of PTSD, which only first appeared in , is not simply the progression of scientific knowledge, but rather the confluence of political, economic, legal, and medical institutional forces. And psychological trauma intervention programs are now commonplace ranging from targeted clinical interventions to psychosocial programs for large numbers of affected populations Bass, et al. One explanation for the global proliferation of PTSD as a way of framing suffering is that it is a useful lens in many settings to identify those in need of care and to select types of intervention goals. For example, Tol and colleagues have shown that PTSD has a direct relationship with severity of disability among torture survivors in Nepal. Another argument for the spread of the PTSD trope is legal advocacy for survivors of human rights violations. PTSD has been used as medical and scientific evidence of human rights violations Physicians for Human Rights ; ; ; diagnoses of PTSD is evidence that an individuals rights have been infringed upon through torture and other forms of political violence. Drawing attention to the psychological suffering of specific groups also is used to mobilize funding for non-governmental and humanitarian organizations. He claims applying PTSD labels in non-Western settings reflects the politics of humanitarian aid and local political forces attending to the global resource procurement. This all results from the nature of medical labels tied to privileged resources and spotlighted by the humanitarian community. Without research on local idioms and frames of understanding trauma, one cannot effectively assess how importing or rejecting the PTSD label impacts well-being, treatment seeking, and stigma. Idioms of distress typically necessitate culturally prescribed healing and resolution. Idioms of distress related to frightening experiences include susto in Latin America Rubel, et al. In Thailand, lom, wuup , and rook klua lai tai are idioms representing cultural conceptualization associated with panic Udomratn and Hinton Hinton and Lewis-Fernandez in press describe a range of anxiety-related idioms of distress in Cambodian and Caribbean Latino cases. The limitation of idioms of distress is they may easily become a vocabulary list without a cohesive framework detailing significance of these terms and how they fit into a broader understanding of suffering and wellbeing in a given cultural context. Her ethnographic work thus places the idiom within an ethnopsychological framework of understanding life and well-being. White defines ethnopsychology as the study of how individuals within a cultural group conceptualize the self, emotions, human nature, motivation, personality, and the interpretation of experience. It is a local lay psychology used to understand experience. A complement of ethnopsychology is ethnophysiology. Thus, the way a cultural group interprets experience is related to how the group conceptualizes the body and its processes. Hinton and colleagues find that cultural concepts related to the mechanisms of mental and bodily events contribute to the types and experiences of anxiety disorders. Much of Tibetan, Mongolian, and Chinese concepts of mental health can be understood in terms of the humoral energies: rlung, khii , and qi , respectively Clifford ; Janes ; Kohrt, et al. Among the Mandinka, Fox identifies four post-trauma syndromes, two of which are disorders of the heart, one affects the mind, and the last affects the brain. These syndromes operate cumulatively with fear leading to disturbance of the heart. If the heart problems are severe, this leads to dysfunction in the mind and ultimately the brain. Ethnopsychology helps to reorient understandings of traumatic events. Kenny using the example of susto suggests that cultural conceptualization and understanding of the self determine which types of events are considered misfortune. Ethnophysiological understandings have important implications for intervention as well. Idioms of distress reflect and influence the stigma associated with illness. Stigma worsens the experience of an illness and often leads to lack of access to care, social isolation, and internalized feelings of shame, inferiority, and fatalism Weiss, et al. For some conditions, the impact of stigma may be more devastating than the condition itself. Stigma is understudied in relation to PTSD in any cultural setting. Both have approximately 13, journal publications Medline search, 14 Feb Despite a poverty of stigma literature related to PTSD in Western cultural settings, one cannot assume that psychological trauma is not stigmatized in non-Western contexts. In Cambodia, French describes the difficulty mobilizing support for amputees injured by landmines. The trauma resulting in amputation is seen as the result of poor karma , the sins of an individual in past lives. Therefore, one of the objectives of this study is to examine the meaning of trauma idioms and perceived causation in relation to assess the relationship of psychological trauma with stigma. The timing of research on local psychological trauma concepts is particularly important in Nepal. The country recently emerged from a decade-long civil war that resulted in the death of 14, people, thousands of disappearances, the displacement of over , people, the conscription of greater than 10, children into armed groups, and greater than , incidences of torture Human Rights Watch ; INSEC ; Singh, et al. In response to this, psychosocial programming has grown rapidly to address a putative burden of psychological trauma Kohrt In addition, thousands of ethnic Nepali Bhutanese refugees, who are survivors of political violence, are emigrating from Nepal into the United States where they will encounter a medical system in which PTSD is a dominant clinical trope. A recent systematic multi-disciplinary review of psychosocial, mental health, and political violence literature in Nepal revealed that the dearth of social science understandings of trauma is a major impairment to epidemiological studies and intervention for Nepalis and ethnic Nepali Bhutanese refugees Tol, et al. Previously, research on idioms of distress in Nepal has shown that jham-jham numbness and tingling and gyastrik dyspepsia are common complaints associated with psychological distress particularly depression Kohrt, et al. Sharma and van Ommeren have catalogued idioms of distress among ethnic Nepali Bhutanese refugees in Nepal by drawing upon clinical experiences and case note surveys. All of these idioms overlap with psychological trauma, but none exemplifies one-to-one synonymy with PTSD. Within this ethnophysiological framework, afflictions of the brain-mind are highly stigmatized. To date, research has not examined the interplay of idioms, these ethnopsychological models, and psychological trauma. This paper addresses this gap in the research through an exploration of local constructs of psychological trauma, Nepali idioms of distress, and vulnerability to suffering. Nepali ethnopsychology and ethnophysiology provide schemata on which to formulate employing idioms in intervention, with attention to stigma reduction and prevention. The findings are incorporated into recommendations for humanitarian psychosocial workers, psychologists, psychiatrists, and other professionals in the mental health and humanitarian fields. This study was conducted in Nepal using semi-structured interviews, free-lists, comparison tasks, and observant participation to identify types of events considered traumatic, idioms of distress related to these traumatic events, emotions associated with psychological trauma, and perceptions of causation and vulnerability related to traumatic events. All participants were Nepalis. The first author and a Nepali research assistant conducted all interviews in Nepali. All participants completed an informed consent form. Free-list and emotion comparison tasks were conducted in Thirty-five individuals participated in the free-list and emotion questionnaire portion of the study. Thirty-three participants had complete data for emotion comprehension ranking, 32 for emotion-term similarity analysis, and 30 for free lists. The sample included nineteen women and sixteen men, including eighteen Newar, eight high-caste Hindu, four low-caste Hindu, and five from other ethnic groups Gurung, Magar, Rai, Tamang. Twenty were married, and fifteen were single. Age ranged from 18 to 72 years, with a mean of 33 years. This sample was selected for heterogeneity of ethnicity, age, and level of education to allow for an assessment of terms and concepts that were mutually intelligible and salient across Nepali demographic groups. All participants completed the surveys in Nepali regardless of their ethno-linguistic group. For participants who spoke another ethnic language, such as Newar or Magar, we inquired about their proficiency in Nepali. All of these respondents said they had been educated in Nepali and that they were as proficient or more proficient in Nepali than in their ethnic language. The survey comprising free lists and an emotion questionnaire were administered to the lay public participants to identity local concepts of psychological trauma. The emotion questionnaire, which included comprehension ranking and dyadic comparisons, was administered to produce a general model of similarity and understanding of terms identified in the free list tasks. This enabled us to identify commonalities of understanding to complement the idiosyncratic individualized responses provided in free-lists and semi-structured interviews. The emotion questionnaire includes a list of emotions derived from free lists. After rating their level of understanding of emotion terms, participants rated similarity among emotion term pairs to determine the conceptual similarity. To assess overall consensus on these ratings, we fit a cultural consensus model using an ordinal data type in UCINET 6 Hruschka, et al. We used correspondence analysis to represent visually the conceptual similarity between trauma-related emotion terms in a two-dimensional space Moore, et al. In such a graph, those items that participants consistently rated as more similar are closer together in the graph. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gain more in-depth information on concepts of psychological trauma. Semi-structured interviews with clients were used to understand the traumatic events, models of causation, psychological and social sequelae, and terminology used to describe the event and related emotions. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 individuals from 18 organizations involved in psychosocial programs. The organization participants included program administrators, counselors, other health professionals, and clients. Semi-structured interviews also were conducted with religious leaders regarding causality of traumatic events. Semi-structured interviews lasted approximately two hours. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Kathmandu and rural areas of Western Nepal from — Observant participant was conducted in Nepali nongovernmental organizations NGOs and clinical health settings in both Kathmandu and rural areas from through Observant participation was used to identify language of clinical discourse, which may not have been reported in individualized interviews and free list tasks. Observant participation also elucidated common presenting symptoms and referral patterns. Probes included violence, accidents, natural and man-made disasters, and other threats to life. Four general themes dominated the categories of events described. Mental health professionals endorsed a range of events related to loss of life and well-being including domestic violence, road accidents, marital rape, burns and fires, plane crashes, snake bites, falling from heights, animal attacks, witnessing accidents or violence, and death of a loved one. Physical illness, even without the threat of death, was related to psychological trauma. Physical wounds were thought to cause suffering and impairment in life. Respondents stated that drugs and alcohol can cause mental trauma, and traumatized people are more likely to drink alcohol. Both male and female participants reported that the loss of a husband or son causes psychological trauma for women, but participants did not report the converse of losing a wife or daughter as traumatic for men. This gender difference was explained in part by the restrictions placed upon widows versus widowers Bennett ; Kohrt and Worthman Widows cannot own property or remarry. Thus, they suffer significant livelihood instability. In contrast, widowers are able to maintain their wealth and property and free to remarry after losing their wives. Men returning from work in Persian Gulf countries reported that they did return at the level of success and prosperity for which they had hoped; they identified this as the worst experience of their lives. These migrant workers had intended to return home as wealthy businessmen. However, they often found that they had been deceived by international manpower agencies, and they returned even more impoverished than when they left. Furthermore, homecoming is a very important process for most Nepali groups. Individuals are welcomed back from journeys with ceremonies that may include animal sacrifices, public festivals, and other activities Kohrt forthcoming. The lack of a proper return and reintegration into the community has also been identified as a major source of distress for returning child soldiers in Nepal Kohrt and Koenig ; Kohrt, et al. Similar distress arising from negative homecoming experiences was observed for returning U. Boksi and bhut laagyo struck by witches or ghosts can cause trauma. Food and water can cause suffering if it is cursed tunamuna. One NGO worker said that war is the only true cause of psychological trauma, thus demonstrating a tight linkage of the trauma narrative and political violence for some humanitarian workers. Free list responses from laypersons, NGO workers, and mental health professionals revealed a range of terminology and idioms of distress. Table 1 includes the idioms participants most commonly reported as responses to traumatic events. Idioms included fear responses, sadness, suffering, and worrying. Idioms associated with supernatural phenomenon were saato gayo soul loss and aitin laagyo spirit induced sleep paralysis. No lay participants mentioned these English terms. Participants explained that these idioms differed by phenomenology and triggers. Fear-related idioms ranged from terror to anxiety:. Dar is fear of something specific that lasts only briefly such as upon seeing a snake or ghost. Traas is terror. It is feeling insecure about something that is there all time, but you cannot do anything about it. It is something that cannot be controlled. Bhaya is also a fear, but it can be addressed by working hard or preparing, such as for a test. Pir is constant, generalized fear, whereas chinta refers to something specific, such as fear of leaving the house to go to work. Chinta is momentary, brief, and related to something specific. They are unable to get motivated to do work. NGO workers and mental health professionals routinely employed the term aaghaat , which refers to shock, impact, or clash. However, counselors explained that clients and the public often are not familiar with the term aaghaat , especially in the psychological context. Counselors felt more comfortable employing piDaa pain, anguish, agony, torment, suffering or maanasik piDaa mental anguish and other idioms when speaking with clients and the public. A client at a center for Maoist victims stated,. We have the most piDaa suffering and the most maanasik samasyaa mental problems of anyone in the entire world. Some participants, both lay and professional, reported that dramatic negative life events could lead to symptoms of madness, psychosis, and mental illness. These events could make someone paagal or baulaahaa mad, psychotic, crazy. Health professionals employed the term maanasik rog mental illness rather than paagal. Maanasik rog was distinguished from maanasik piDaa. A woman working as a psychosocial counselor for an NGO explained,. For maanasik rog mental illness , these individuals can disclose things to counselors. They often have difficulty sleeping, their appetite is decreased, and they have problems studying. For maanasik aaghaat mental shock or piDaa suffering, torment , individuals do not trust counselors. They do not get relief after two or three sessions. They do not want to talk. They act like statues. In contrast, a psychiatrist at a mental hospital explained that maanasik piDaa could present as psychosis:. If a loved one dies, then their relatives may go mad. People believe that others should avoid utensils and water they have touched or else they will contract the madness. This woman had a husband who was always unfaithful. She began to have strange behavior. She spoke to herself without stopping but would not speak when spoken to. She did not eat. She was pura baulaahaa totally crazy. She ran away and was naked in a village. Her hair was unkempt. This lasted eight or nine years. One day she was startled by the loud noise of a jeep driving nearby. She suddenly realized how in disarray she was and that she was naked and so she became embarrassed. She then returned to her normal behavior. Although this woman recovered, it was generally felt that madness from psychological trauma was permanent. A psychiatrist at the mental hospital explained,. Maanasik aaghaat has a long period of effect, often life-long and permanent. Counselors reported that clients had symptoms of uncontrollable irritation and angered easily at small things. Counselors thought that those with maanasik aaghaat mental shock could do anything in anger; they can kill others or kill themselves. Memory is a central feature of presentation. A year-old NGO worker explained how hearing stories of rape left such a scar on her heart-mind:. I could not sleep. Things kept racing in my mind, and I could hear our conversation over and over again. It left manko gaau a scar on my heart-mind that will never heal. In this instance, a distressing experience scars the heart-mind, which is the organ of memory, just as the body becomes physically scarred through physical trauma. This scar in the heart-mind then prevents the individual from forgetting about the event, as a physical scar is a reminder of other types of trauma. The analogy extends even further: just as severe physical trauma can lead to not only a scar but also impaired functioning of an arm or leg, severe psychological trauma damages the heart-mind leaving a scar that prevents normal functioning of the organ of memory. Thus, when one tries to use heart-mind to recall other events, they only come up with remembering the traumatic event. An year-old girl from rural Nepal whose family was attacked by Maoists explains that the event is constantly replaying itself in her heart-mind:. The incident manmaa raakhiraakhne is always on my heart-mind. Similarly, other survivors of trauma reported manmaa kura khelne having worries playing in their heart-minds that caused insomnia. Some clients ruminated about killings they had witnessed. Caregivers and psychological trauma survivors all endorsed insomnia and nightmares. I worship and pray and while I am doing those activities, I do not think about the incident. Nevertheless, as soon as I go out into the street with office work if I see an accident, the exact scene of my beating repeats itself over and over again. I cannot concentrate on the work that I have to do and what is going on in front of me. I do not want to remember my tragedy but seeing bad scenes forces me to remember. Memories of the event impair recall of other issues and decrease concentration. Somatic complaints were common. Health professionals identified somatic complaints as the primary presentation of psychological trauma: headaches, back pain, gastric problems, painful urination, visual disturbances, palpitations, high blood pressure, and fainting attacks. One is more susceptible to illness. However, they do not typically self-disclose about traumatic events until it is uncovered through the medical history. Other common symptoms included not having enough energy to work. A last category of idioms referred to loss of social status through traumatic events. Participants explained that social honor is lost, ijjat gayo , or that social shame is incurred bejjat. The role of karma will be discussed further below. The comprehension results of the 22 emotion terms are presented in Table 2. Terms such as dukha, chinta, dar, riis , and pir are well understood by the general population. PiDaa is also relatively well understood. Aaghaat , however, was the least intelligible emotion term for the general public sample. Figure 1 represents the first two dimensions of a correspondence analysis of similarity ratings. Emotion terms related to fear and fright form a distinct cluster bhaya, dar , and traas. Riis anger and p aagal madness form a distinct and moderately overlapping cluster. These are laachar helplessness , aaghaat trauma , tanaab mental tension and niraashaa despair. Notably, the common clinical term, aaghaat , lies somewhere between its presumed synonym for trauma, piDaa , and the more stigmatized term, paagal madness. Mental health professionals and clients discussed vulnerability at two levels: vulnerability to negative life experiences and vulnerability to express emotional and psychological symptoms after experiencing negative events. Previously, Sharma and van Ommeren found that many Bhutanese refugees explained their suffering in terms of karma ko phal , the fruit of sins in prior lives. Respondents in our study explained that karma dictates vulnerability to negative life events. Karma is the concept of good or bad deeds determining prosperity or suffering. Karma thus dictates who does and who does not suffer from traumatic events. A year-old male Hindu priest in central Nepal explained the relationship of karma with traumatic events:. Ghatanaa bhaeko chha, yo karma ko phal ho. Naraamro nagarnu hai, paap ko phal dekhalaa hai. Karma is related to the experience of traumatic in two ways. First, an individual may have committed sins in a prior life and suffer the consequences as traumatic events in this life. When asked specifically whether sins committed in this current life can lead to traumatic events in this same lifetime, multiple Hindu priests explained that this did not happen. Instead, the sins committed in this life lead to traumatic events in future lives or in the lives of family members. For example, a sinful parent will have children who are mute, deaf, experience accidents, and die at an early age. The Hindu priest explained,. Mero purkhaa ko paap maile bhogdaichhu. Not surprisingly, traumatic events are often covered up within the family because the events reflect badly upon them as well as the individual who experienced the event. Women are considered to have been less pious than men were in their previous lives, and consequently they are born female and at greater risk of traumatic events. Similarly, persons from low castes are considered to have poorer karma, and thus they are fated to experiences more negative events during their lifetime. Regarding vulnerability to expression of psychological distress after negative life events, an Ayurvedic doctor referred to constitutional differences:. Individuals are most susceptible to effects of trauma during the third trimester of pregnancy. If the mother is traumatized during this time, the child will be affected for his or her lifetime. To avoid this, pregnant women should only pay attention to the fetus, and ignore what is happening around them. Mothers who are strong and dedicated will not have traumatized children. Mothers with naasaa kaamjor dry or weak nerves are at risk of having children with psychological trauma. However, if the trauma is severe, such as torture, then the person will have psychological difficulties for their lives that cannot be cured. Souls are seen as less securely attached among children. Children lose their saato from frightening events, and this causes behavior changes, such as piDaa and nightmares. The loss of soul makes them more susceptible to illnesses ranging from diarrhea to respiratory infections. Traditional healers can treat saato loss. It is thought that adults lose their souls less easily than children do, and thus typically do not suffer from saato loss. Among adults, women are considered more vulnerable than men are to saato loss. One adult woman described an incident when she suffered saato loss. I was walking along a street. Then I saw men driving on motorcycles. They were driving around a man and beating him. I saw blood everywhere. Then saato gayo my soul left. I do not know how I got back to where I was going. I could not do work that afternoon. My saato returned later that evening, but I had problems sleeping for more than a week. Figure 2 is a schematic attempting to represent psychological trauma within the context of this Nepali sample and other ethnographic work in different communities throughout Nepal Kohrt and Harper At the left of the schematic is vulnerability to negative life experiences. Psychological trauma is rooted in concepts of vulnerability wherein individuals with poor karma who did not fulfill their religious path in prior lives or have sinful ancestors are more likely to suffer from traumatic events in this life. This vulnerability is important to keep in mind when considering therapeutic interactions because karma attributes a degree of culpability to people with negative life experiences. Traumatic experiences occur along a continuum. In an epidemiological study, Thapa and Huff also found that the role of lasting memory was central in eliciting traumatic experiences; they reported that nearly all persons with high PTSD symptomatology endorsed the phrase dukha lagne ghatanako gahiro chap baseko having deep and long-lasting impression of the terrifying event. However, they did not report what percentage of people endorsed the phrase but did not have high PTSD symptom severity. In the model, individuals who suffer either chronic stressors or acute unforgettable events have differential susceptibility to psychological symptoms. Women are more susceptible than men are because of being considered constitutionally weaker. Lastly, individuals with small or weak man heart-minds are also more likely to suffer psychological distress McHugh Referring back to the emotion model in Figure 1 , the three clusters map onto these different elements of the self. The cluster of madness and anger paagal and riis reflect disturbance of the dimaag brain-mind. There are two categories of symptoms related to heart-mind disturbance. One category is the general emotions of suffering, sadness, and worry. The other category is memory related phenomenon because the heart-mind is the organ of memory. As reported above, memory symptoms are described through the ethnophysiology of scars on the heart-mind. This scarring of the organ of memory leads to flashbacks, rumination, and other intrusive recollections of the event. Desjarlais describes this among the Yolmo ethnic group of central Nepal:. Desjarlais , p. The constant remembering of specific events in the heart-mind i. Common to these complaints was a sense that one could not control when these memories would intrude and that once the thoughts started, individuals could not stop thinking about them nor prevent or abate physical and psychological sequelae. When I saw it all happening, I did not think it was real. I did not think this was happening to me. Even now, I cannot believe that it happened to me. All I want to do is forget that it happened. But, I cannot forget. Pettigrew and Adhikari describe this phenomenon among the Tamu-mai Gurung ethnic group in western Nepal:. Since the end of the insurgency people have talked a lot more about forgetting fear. While people sometimes talked about past fears, fear was not a currently experienced emotion in the sense that it was during the insurgency. Pettigrew and Adhikari : Disturbances of the dimaag brain-mind represent a more severe tier of problems. Brain-mind disturbance symptoms include madness, psychosis, aggression, and unsocial behavior. The community stigmatizes brain-mind problems more than heart-mind problems because of a fear of contagion and consideration of these brain-mind problems as permanent, whereas heart-mind disturbances may be transient. One of the key findings from the cultural consensus analysis and the semi-structured interviews was the interpretation of aaghaat. Whereas NGO and health professionals used this term to describe trauma as mental shock, the public often did not understand the term. More importantly, laypersons identified aaghaat in the paagal and riis madness and anger cluster of brain-mind disturbance. Thus, aaghaat when used by health professional has a potentially negative effect for those seeking care and their families because the term is associated with highly stigmatized conditions. To summarize, a Nepali ethnopsychology and ethnophysiology of trauma comprises vulnerability to traumatic events, with blame placed upon sins in past lives and sins of family members for the experience of these events. Events that cause suffering cover a range of experiences from chronic inability to meet ones needs to discrete 'unforgettable' events. The events produce suffering based on different elements of the self. Events that disturb the heart-mind cause sadness, despair, anguish, and worry. Moreover, disturbances of the heart-mind lead to intrusive memories of the event. The frightening component of the event leads to rupture of the soul from the body with the concomitant effects of soul loss such as vulnerability to physical illness. The physical body may be damaged by a traumatic event leading to headaches, body pain, gastrointestinal problems, vision changes, and other somatic complaints. Because traumatic events typically imply poor karma, experiencing traumatic events is associated with a loss of social status. Mental healthcare professionals, psychosocial workers, and other care providers will encounter survivors of trauma in a variety of settings. The framework described below fosters a multi-disciplinary approach in which individuals address needs at the point of service entry and make referrals to other sources of care. First, when trying to elucidate exposure to traumatic events, one of the most effective pathways may be focusing on the inability to forget certain events. In clinical settings, the phrases tapaaiko kunai birsane nasakne dargatana bhaeko chha? The type of symptoms most distressing to the individual should dictate initial treatment and referrals. Figure 3 presents treatment entry points for psychological trauma based on presenting idioms of distress. In these cases, it would be beneficial to adequately address the possibility of underlying physical pathology as well as identify acceptable referrals for additional support. One of the dangers is ignoring possible treatable physical illnesses that are underlying or comorbid with psychological distress Kohrt, et al. If a person presents with psychotic complaints or signs of mental illness, it would be more appropriate to highlight a combination of psychiatric care and counseling for treatment. If a survivor of trauma has a substance abuse problem, as was described by counselors in this study, then psychiatric inpatient substance abuse treatment may be necessary. In this Nepali sample, anger was the most proximal emotion to psychotic behavior. Thus, anger, should similarly be a potential screen for trauma, especially among those presenting to psychiatrists. In contrast, disturbances of the heart-mind are not seen as physical or mental pathology but rather a form of natural distress in response to certain types of events. Therefore, heart-mind problems may best be served by encouraging support from friends and family, supporting traditional healing if desired, and provision of psychosocial counseling. One form of traditional healing done by dhami-jhankri shamans in Nepal is man badne , which means to bind the heart-mind. This is seen as a way to control the distressing processes or bad memories, and has been reported as a form of healing sought out by former child soldiers Kohrt forthcoming. Counseling in Nepal has been developed around the construct of the heart-mind, rather than a treatment for mental illness related to brain-mind dysfunction Kohrt and Harper If the main complaint after a traumatic event is soul loss, it may be appropriate to recommend a traditional healing ceremony. Traditional healing for return of the soul can be done alongside medical treatment to heal the body Kohrt and Harper Traditional healing for many forms of suffering, not only fright or traumatic events, has been described in many ethnic groups in Nepal Desjarlais ; Maskarinec ; McHugh ; Nicoletti ; Peters If a primary concern is loss of social status related to experiencing traumatic events, this could be remedied through a number of mechanisms. One option is traditional or religious healing. Religious healing can be seen as a way to account for poor karma. These rituals also improve social perception and increase social support of sufferers Desjarlais ; Maskarinec ; Peters Often if a child is identified as having bad karma or having been born in unfavorable astrological context, rituals can be performed to prevent a life of repeated traumatic events. Loss of social status also can be addressed through community-based social inclusion activities. Many sufferers of traumatic events are afraid they will be excluded from interactions with other. If social inclusion activities can be facilitated for trauma survivors, this could help ameliorate fear of exclusion. Thirdly, counseling can focus on the feelings of low self-worth and perceived interpersonal disruptions. Counselors, through supportive listening, can present a stable social connection for trauma survivors, as well as provide psycho-education and problem solving skills Jordans, et al. Ultimately, regardless of whether a trauma survivor presents to a psychosocial counselor, physician, traditional healer, or psychiatrist, it will be beneficial to support pluralistic healing for psychological trauma. Individuals may present with somatic complaints, but treating these uncovers evidence of heart-mind disturbances or soul loss. As Figure 3 illustrates, the practitioner can refer the individual and their family to other types of healers, in accordance with their religious, spiritual, and health-behavior beliefs. One of the crucial aspects of care is reducing and preventing stigma. Psychosocial nongovernmental organizations NGOs in Nepal and elsewhere have cautioned against employing terminology that may stigmatize program participants IASC In Nepali, the term kalanka refers to a physical blemish or spot, but also to slander, vilify, or misrepresent to harm another person Turner In Nepal, mental health problems historically have been associated with kalanka. This is particularly true for psychological problems perceived to be the result of brain-mind dysfunction Kohrt and Harper Thus, it is crucial to consider how interventions inadvertently may exacerbate stigma and lead to barriers to care. While healthcare providers perceived this as a possible linguistic corollary for psychological trauma, the lay public did not always understand the term, and when they did, it was perceived as referring to the highly stigmatized condition of brain-mind dysfunctions such as madness and uncontrolled anger. Therefore, we would recommend language such as maanasik piDaa , which is more informative and less pathologizing than aaghaat. Another aspect of stigma is the cultural model of trauma causality in Nepal, which may differ from Western conceptions. Hinton and Lewis-Fernandez in press point out that effective evaluation and treatment of disorders necessitates understanding the stigma linked with idioms of distress. Summerfield and others have suggested that PTSD is a desirable label because it removes culpability from the individual and often is associated with receipt of monetary or other support through government policies or lawsuits. Thus, people may be ashamed to report experiencing traumatic events. In addition, the experience of a traumatic event may differentially stigmatize certain family members. We found that mothers often blamed themselves or were blamed by others for traumatic events occurring to family members. The issue should be considered in both public health approaches and individualized care. Western therapeutic approaches for these clients may be a worth considering for Nepali survivors of trauma as well. As mental healthcare and psychosocial support resources grow in Nepal, it will be important to address stigma hand-in-hand with development of care systems. If stigma is not a major focus of the mission to make mental healthcare and psychosocial services available to trauma survivors, there is a risk that newly established services will go unused or that interventions could make trauma survivors more vulnerable through stigmatization. This research revealed that psychological trauma is not a unitary construct in Nepal. Rather, psychological sequelae of negative life events are expressed through an array of idioms of distress. In Nepal, the response to negative life events includes multiple possible manifestation such as general distress and inability to control memory reflected as a disturbance in the heart-mind, behavioral manifestations of anger and madness reflecting dysfunction of the brain-mind, a fright response resulting in loss of the soul, physical impairments with damage to bodily systems, and a threat to personal and familial social status. Our findings suggest that exploring a range of idioms of distress incorporated into a broad understanding of local ethnopsychologies and ethophysiologies can foster effective communication with clients. This is more helpful than trying to identify single terms to approximate the concept of psychological trauma. Similarly, others also have advocated that trauma treatment across cultural settings should comprise strong holistic interventions that keep PTSD in mind but also intersect more broadly with issues of guilt, somatic complaints, and other manifestations of distress McKenzie, et al. Ethnic composition likely influences ethnopsychological models significantly. The analysis of emotions presented here is based on interviews primarily with a sample representative of the ethnic heterogeneity of the capital Kathmandu. Therefore, the model produced illustrates how psychological trauma is communicated within this specific demographic. It is not representative of rural, low caste, or non-Newar ethnic minority Janajati groups who more commonly reside outside the capital. Therefore, the model does not speak to all ways of viewing psychological trauma in Nepal. Pettigrew provides a description of the understanding of fear among Tamu-mai Gurungs in western Nepal that sheds light upon possible ethnic diversity in traumatic experience. Ultimately, there is not one single totalizing ethnopsychology of trauma in Nepal because of the range of ethnic, linguistic, and socioeconomic groups. Rather than relying solely on the model provided here, we offer this study as a framework for practitioners working with trauma survivors in Nepal and elsewhere. We suggest that they develop their own ethnopsychological models when caring for specific populations. Another limitation is the rapidity of change and trends in the health and development fields. In both Western and other settings, the terminology for psychological trauma is shifting continuously. Public mental health campaigns should address the public interpretation of the evolving terminology for psychological trauma. The public interpretation of terminology may have unforeseen consequences in a world of rapidly changing vocabulary for distress. From an intervention and clinical standpoint, the alleviation of suffering starts with local frameworks, needs, concerns, and processes of identification. Ultimately, healing begins with understanding and understanding begins with listening to local models as expressed through idioms of distress. Thanks to all of the participants and organizations who participated in the study. Srijana Nakarmi was the lead research assistant for the study. Special thanks to Devon Hinton and Roberto Lewis-Fernandez for their insight and thoughtful suggestions in revising the manuscript. In addition, Summerfield correlates the growing interest in psychological trauma with changes in personhood related to entitlement, expected success, and absence of suffering. PTSD legitimizes victimhood, moral exculpation, and disability pension. An outspoken critic of the trauma and violence literature, Summerfield states that 1 trauma is not necessarily widespread in conflict settings, and 2 war is a social experience requiring healing through social means, not Western mental health intervention. Brandon A. Daniel J. Box , Tempe, AZ , dhrusch gmail. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Cult Med Psychiatry. Published in final edited form as: Cult Med Psychiatry. Find articles by Brandon A Kohrt. Daniel J Hruschka , Ph. Find articles by Daniel J Hruschka. PMC Copyright notice. The publisher's version of this article is available at Cult Med Psychiatry. Open in a new tab. Emotion Term Comprehension ranked in decreasing order of comprehension. Nepali Word Mean Std. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

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