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The drugs were cheap, and the teens spirited across the country on freight trains, their long hair flowing in the breeze without a care in the world. He was destined to be a famous, pioneering American bike racer, but his personal light flamed out quickly after the world pro road race championship, weeks after turning professional for the Italian Magniflex team. The mile race, the longest since , was held in Ostuni, Italy on September 5. On the last lap, on the backside of a big hill, the great Italian Felice Gimondi had two teammates pushing him. Neel rode alongside them, red faced from the effort. He intuitively followed the wheel of the Belgian Frans Verbeeck, as they raced toward the finish on the boulevard. Verbeeck was leading Merckx, and I was out in the wind on the left, where the sea was, and where the wind was coming from. Neel has replayed that situation in his head hundreds of times since, winning the sprint. All told, 77 started the race, with 53 finishing. Of course, all the criteriums were orchestrated, just like they are today after the Tour de France. I played along. Neel started off walking hots, taking the horses on cool-down walks after their workouts. There was turmoil and politics, so I did what I could: working the Oakland shipyards, manual labor. I was small, so no one messed with me. I got kicked out of El Cerrito High School, and had to attend a reform school, where I was one of the only white kids; it was a really rough school. I led a destructive life. The death of close friends because of drugs woke me up and set me straight. He rode with a group who looked and dressed like bike racers, and had decent bikes. Never much of an athlete as a child, the naturally gifted and hardened Neel somehow dropped everyone on the ride, and they encouraged him to race. Peter said I could take the bike and pay him later. I paid him half, then rode it to the San Rafael bridge, hitchhiked across, then rode to Mendocino, nearly miles from Berkeley. I broke into a cabin on the beach, and stayed the night. The bike had sew-ups, and I remember losing air on the trip. No one told me I had to put air in the tires, so I stopped at a bike shop in Santa Rosa, mentioning my trip from Berkeley. I just went for it. I was a hippie without a care in the world at that point. A couple weeks later Rich mentioned a handicap race around Lake Merced, with the novices going first. It was way easier than working the shipyards in Oakland. I was hooked. Hamilton Classic, which includes a mile climb to the top of the 4,foot peak near San Jose, then continues 43 miles through remote ranch lands to the finish in Livermore, with total elevation gain exceeding 6, feet. Monterey native Jonathan Boyer won the junior edition. Boyer would eventually race under Neel at 7-Eleven, after becoming the first American to race the Tour de France and working for Bernard Hinault in Tour of California Rich organized the first Tour of California in , and included Neel on his Velo-Sport Berkeley team, which helped their leader finish fifth overall during the stage race two weeks before Lance Armstrong was born in Texas. American journalist and author Own Mulholland, another California native, also went to France to race in He was 26 at the time and had scrimped and saved to go to Europe. Mike was super talented and he soon moved into his own apartment paid for by his new club, Pont de Claix. I had seen Mike for the first time at some of the local Bay Area races in The first time we talked may have been when I answered the knock at our apartment door in Grenoble. Meeting Merckx, aiming for Montreal In , after quitting the Tour of Mexico, Neel and some fellow racers caught a bus to Mexico City to watch Eddy Merckx set the hour record on October 25, after he had raced a full road season winning the Tour, Giro and four classics. Merckx covered Neel witnessed the clinical preparation by Merckx and his team of mechanics and coaches, and was impressed. He also saw how excruciating the effort was for Merckx, and the suffering needed to break the record. Neel made a meager living working in French bike shops, racing as much as possible, before moving to Chicago in , where the American racing scene was strongest, and the money was better. The prizes today are the same they were 40 years ago! Schuler was an alternate. The Olympics were held in Montreal on July Neel was team captain, and his prized El Camino was used as the team car. Showing early signs of his ability to read races, Neel told Mount when to make his move on the backside of the course, bridging up to the breakaway. Howard tried chasing down his compatriot, and Neel had to literally grab him to hold him back. Mount finished an incredible 6th, and credited Neel with helping him. The team captain crashed in the rain on the slick road right before the field sprint, after a rider in front of him slid out and tumbled to the wet tarmac. He became a pro with Magniflex, and moved to Italy to prepare for worlds. Short-sighted directors, excessive doping and abysmal living conditions made the decision easy for Neel, who worked in the Magniflex mattress factory to make ends meet, barely keeping his finances above the poverty level. Taking a leadership role He returned to the States in , and got an offer to coach at the national level, working with George Mount again. Life was good, and better than what Neel experienced as a short-term pro in Europe. Eddy B. He made the hard decision to leave Howard off the team, due to his individualistic ways, something Neel remembers from his Pan Am and Olympic experiences with Howard. In fact, one of Eddy B. Neel and Eddy B. Neel raced with Boyer, who won the Coors Classic and a few stages with the Grab-On team before finishing fifth at the world pro road race championship in Salanches, France, behind Hinault. In we were selling Mercier bikes. I did one race for the team, and overdid my role as team helper, subsequently getting dropped after working hard for my leader. I did some races in the States, worked at my business, then starting coaching again. Neel lost his business after having a blowout with Katz, got out of coaching, and suffered through a real down time in his life, in early Neel was successful, but the relationship with Ritchey soured. I told the guys they could finish the stage and all go buy a plane ticket home, I was so pissed at their performance up to that point. Ron Kiefel took it to heart, and got in a break on stage 15 with Gerrie Knetemann, a former world champion and multiple Tour stage winner. I told him to attack as hard as he could, with no looking back. Hampsten flew up the hill like a man possessed, winning the stage. He was the first North American to wear yellow, but it was fleeting. LeMond took over the lead after stage 16, and held off his overzealous teammate Hinault to win in Paris by Hampsten finished an astounding fourth, behind teammate LeMond. His gift was the ability to read people, more than it was to read race situations. And he could also apply those lessons to how we should conduct ourselves. Mike advised us in the team meeting to be prepared for the cut because the race favorite was of course Moser. Neel took notice of the weather forecast the day before, and took action. We bought ski gloves and caps the night before. I handed Andy a wool hat early in the stage to retain heat, replacing the standard cotton cycling cap he normally wore before helmets were mandatory. I prepared hot tea for my riders, and decided to give some to Van der velde, whose hands were so frozen the tea slipped through his fingers and fell on the ground. Peter Post, team director for Panasonic, passed me at that point. I always got along with him. Neel turned a blind eye, empathizing with the other riders and their need for survival. I think he was going to be hired for the position, but I made sure he would be directing the team for our European races. He knew European racing and American racers. We racers often thought we were astronauts capable of anything, but we needed to be put through the paces of training consistently between racing campaigns. He explained what we could expect at the races we went to, and after we would be trounced he told us how to train for them. Of course he told us about that before the poor racing periods, but he knew we were going to listen better after poor results. When the Californian was hitting on all cylinders and given full reign he was unstoppable, winning in Europe wherever possible. But it was taking its toll on Neel, who despite his track record of survival under any circumstance, was running out of steam as 7-Eleven became more international. The Thompson family, who owned 7-Eleven, came to the Tour and wanted to pamper the riders with their RV, making pancake for the riders. This messed with my professional approach, and threw a wrench into things. At that point he was working to keep the team in the black, and I was handling things in Europe. Paris-Roubaix was a day and a half after Tour of the Basque Country, where we did well with Andy winning a stage. A team director never does this, but I thought it was the right thing to do at the time. Team mechanic Michael Haney feel asleep at the wheel and crashed into a truck, severely injuring himself and Neel, who was in a coma for several days. Twice married and divorced, he works odd contracting jobs to make ends meet, living on little. He rides a 7-year-old Ridley carbon Damacles road bike with worn Shimano Dura-Ace components every day, and has a year-old Eisentraut rigid steel mountain bike parked on the wrap-around porch. Several old trucks and other neglected vehicles dot his property. His frustration with the events of his life were apparent throughout our two days together, and he sometimes was quick to blame others. After a long pause, he agrees, quickly pointing out the one train wreck he adroitly avoided in declining a fat contract to direct the ill-fated Rock Racing team of Michael Ball. It seems the runaway teenager from has finally found his true calling all over again. Chris Carmichael on Mike Neel:. Mike made a real difference, and when it came time for me to transition out of pro racing his example stood as something to aspire to as a coach. He still shapes the way I coach and I can still see his hand in the philosophy and tactics I use today. He would look at a guy and say he would never be a GC contender in a big Tour, despite his immense power and talent. He would say he was too nervous, that being a GC rider was really stressful and those guys would fold under pressure. That stuck with me and influenced how I viewed athletes when I was a development coach, and how I advised and guided athletes as they prepared for big races. He would tell us to let the distance and terrain wear down the peloton — even if you knew you were the strongest guy in the race. You only had two bullets to fire, and you could waste them by attacking early and trying to win with brute force. You had to be patient, wait for the hills, heat, and distance to soften people up, and then hit them. Also available for the digital subscriber in all platforms here. Like Like. Amazing story. Has Mike written a book yet I ask? Skip to content. Like Loading Leave a comment Cancel reply. Comment Reblog Subscribe Subscribed. Man from Allouez. Sign me up. Already have a WordPress. Log in now. Design a site like this with WordPress.

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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. It emphasises the preservation of the choice-making liberal self as the main function of the medico-legal institutional assemblages designed to monitor and control the non-therapeutic consumption and distribution of psychoactive agents. This is weighed against sociological and ethnographic accounts that challenge pathological definitions of addiction by placing drugs at the core of culturally meaningful lifestyles and power relations. NB: This extract from my doctoral thesis can be used and referenced as an introductory literature review to the field of critical drug studies. Although Foucauldian investigations have provided the prevailing discussion with a necessary departure from excessively idealistic images of civil society organizations as sites of resistance and societal transformation, what may have resulted in turn are overly pessimistic analyses that have overlooked the emancipatory aspects of civil society organizations as sites where Foucauldian ' care of the self ' becomes possible. This article provides the reader with an analysis of these kind of aspects in civil society organizations' work and, more importantly, of the conditions of their existence. The study contributes to the prevailing discussion by offering examples of the possibilities that civil society organizations have to act as a counterbalance and addition to states institutions. The context is Finnish drug treatment policies that took a client-centered and user-friendly approach at the turn of 21 st century. Since then new kinds of methods to work with drug users have been initiated, which have helped the users to recast their identities and find new ways of living as a drug user. Prologue It is a light early spring evening in Helsinki and the first week of my field work in a low threshold health and social counselling service for injecting drug users. The service is run by a civil society organization that is specialized in so called harm reduction policies and known for its progressive and client-centered treatment ideologies. The purpose of the health and social counselling facility is to provide intravenous drug users with new ideas and means to take care of their health and themselves in general while they are using drugs. When the services opened at the end of the s the idea of educating drug users to inject safely, providing them with needles and syringes to do this, and teaching them to practice safe sex and avoid overdoses was almost incomprehensible to anyone apart from a few harm reduction activists. Lay citizens as well as social and health care professionals filled the newspapers with furious columns and letters considering harm reduc. Biomedical understanding of methadone as a magic-bullet pharmacological block to the euphoric effects of heroin is inconsistent with epidemiological and clinical data. An ethnographic perspective on the ways street-based heroin addicts experience methadone reveals the quagmire of power relations that shape drug treatment in the United States. The phenomenon of the methadone clinic is an unhappy compromise between competing discourses: A criminalizing morality versus a medicalizing model of addiction-as-a-brain-disease. Treatment in this context becomes a hostile exercise in disciplining the unruly misuses of pleasure and in controlling economically unproductive bodies. Most of the biomedical and epidemiological research literature on methadone obscures these power dynamics by technocratically debating dosage titrations in a social vacuum. A fou-caultian critique of the interplay between power and knowledge might dismiss debates over the Swiss experiments with heroin prescription as merely one more version of biopower disciplining unworthy bodies. Foucault's ill-defined concept of the specific intellectual as someone who confronts power relations on a practical technical level, however, suggests there can be a role for political as well as theoretical engagement with debates in the field of applied substance abuse treatment. Meanwhile, too many heroin addicts who are prescribed methadone in the United States suffer negative side effects that range from an accentuated craving for polydrug abuse to a paralyzing sense of impotence and physical and emotional discomfort. In a halting voice, over the long-distance telephone lines between New York and California, Primo, the manager of the crack house I had lived next to for almost four years in East Harlem admitted that he was taking 80 milligrams of methadone every day. Profoundly embarrassed, Primo asked me not to mention his new methadone addiction in the epilogue to the book that I was preparing at the time of that telephone call Bourgois He had stopped selling crack; he had found legal employment as a summer replacement porter for the mafia-controlled union 2 that represents service workers in primarily luxury apartment buildings; and he had stopped drinking alcohol and sniffing cocaine. In contrast, during the almost six years I had known. The U. But in the mids, a series of reforms have rejected this militant approach. How did these policies manage to break through a gridlocked Congress? What is the nature of these reforms, and what are their political implications? Uchenye Zapiski Otdela Kitaja Psychology and Education: A Multidisciplinary Journal, Isagoge - Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Related papers Harm reduction and the ethics of drug use: contemporary techniques of self-governance Margaret Pereira. Drugs and addiction in the liberal age: The history, science and governance of the lost self Liviu Alexandrescu. Sociological Perspectives on Addiction Darin Weinberg. Freedom and slavery: constructions of ideologies in illicit drugs treatment Grazyna Zajdow. The New U. War on Drugs Be Stone. All rights reserved. Yet the industrial capitalism propelled by Protestant elites also set very different forces in motion. Immense social upheavals e rapid urbanization, mass migration, and the horrors of modern warfare e have steadily dislocated humankind from the kinds of ritualized control systems we built around earlier drug cultures Samson, E-mail address: tgowan umn. Reinforced by the rising culture of fear and underpinned by the seismic shift from welfare rights to crime control as the central logic of social policy Garland, ; Simon, ; Wacquant, ; Young, , the War on Drugs has now persisted for three and a half decades. Over the last 15 years, though, the terrain of intervention has become more differentiated. Gowan et al. While US users and their allies developed similar practices to the European forerunners during the late s and 90s, harm reduction did not achieve the same level of institutionalization. Much of the harm caused by drug use, they maintained, was peripheral to the effects of the substance itself, and could be greatly reduced through decriminalization, education, and the provision of clean needles and other paraphernalia. Without the AIDS epidemic, it is possible that needle exchanges in the United States would have remained a highly marginal, underground activity, as indeed they have in most of the global South, Asia and the countries of the former Soviet Union Wolfe, Sweeping the country in the early to mid s, activists instituted a number of alternative institutions. Many exchanges gained permanent physical sites, and some staff started to be paid for their work Davis et al. Those pushing for decriminalization recently succeeded in winning a temporary repeal on the federal ban on funding for needle exchange Krisberg, Nevertheless, it seems highly unlikely that harm reduction approaches to addiction will achieve the taken-for-granted character they have in much of Western Europe Bunton, Analysis of harm reduction within Anglophone sociology and anthropology has been somewhat ambivalent. Certainly both neoliberal and neoconservative strands of the US political right hold that the welfare state generated massive social problems by eroding the autonomy and responsibility of individuals and families. To repair the damage, current social policy must re-educate the population to take charge of their own lives. These critiques ground their observations in the material hardships of its members, and rightfully so. Many injecting drug users face problems that transcend, contextualize, and often underlie their drug abuse; extreme poverty, everyday violence and victimization, and severe social marginalization. As needle exchange is increasingly professionalized and institutionalized, reading it as anti-political may become more appropriate. In those contexts where drug use is substantially decriminalized and harm reduction has become institutionalized as common sense best practice within mainstream health services, it may indeed have lost any anti-establishment edge. We would argue, however, that harm reduction practice in the United States should not be analytically detached from the political trajectory of the reviled and criminalized American addict. For this reason, we pay particular attention to how the punitive context is represented in our own site. We take the interpretations of harm reduction as neoliberal governmentality seriously, and indeed as one of the starting points for our own analysis. This is particularly clear in the case of US harm reduction, which has only gained tenuous government support after decades of grassroots mobilization. Starting in the early s as a mobile van exchange, Connection Points evolved by to house a daily needle exchange drop-in at a stable location with a small group of committed staff and volunteers. Nevertheless, its place in the local drug intervention landscape remained relatively marginal. The drop-in exchange operated 35 h per week, serving a steady trickle of visitors including white-collar workers and strippers, bikers and suburban homemakers. These regular visits helped us to distinguish more idiosyncratic moments from business as usual, and to distinguish different currents within the exchange, as different spaces and functions brought distinct roles and ways of seeing to the fore. In , we expanded the project, when Tanja and Sarah audiorecorded 45 semi-structured interviews ranging from 40 min to 3. As the coding progressed, the distinction between the codes expressing our earlier ideas and the newer codes disappeared. The earlier theoretical codes shifted to make better sense of what we saw in the data, while the newer codes took on a more theoretical character. The group was attended by adults aged 17e75, but the majority of members were between 25 and There were slightly more men than women. Heroin was by far the most regularly used substance, followed by methadone, benzodiazepines, crack cocaine, crystal methamphetamine, and alcohol. One-third of the members were claiming Social Security Insurance or Social Security Disability Insurance, and lived in some form of stable housing. The rest tended to be reliant on temporary work, drug dealing, or sex work. We begin our account of the Connection Points group by showing that the primary project of harm reduction was not the distribution of sterile syringes, but the destigmatization of the addict. Most notably, the reconceptualization of harm developed into a shared critique of the disrespect and violence meted out to addicts by the local police and criminal justice system. We conclude by arguing that the combination of the reclamation of the self with the recognition of systemic sources of harms created the conditions for members to develop a renewed or newfound sense of social citizenship. Members, never referred to as clients, were able to come into the small dimly lit room lined with boxes of syringes, alcohol wipes, cookers, ties, and cottons, and quickly exchange for the supplies they needed. Only two people were allowed in the room at a time e the volunteer or staff member tracking supplies, and the person exchanging. No names or private data were taken in order to exchange. Instead, a personal code was used to track how often someone used services for grant purposes. The majority of exchange service users remained anonymous unless they regularly frequented the group or the drop-in area. In contrast to the shadowy anonymity of the exchange room, the brightly inviting, open-door feel of the main room beckoned users to come in from the cold, to relax, converse, or just spend time resting. A collection of tattered couches and armchairs formed a communal sitting space, bordered by a row of desks with outdated but still functioning computers. Staff, volunteers, and users mingled and worked together, fueled by communal coffee and food prepared in the adjoining small kitchen. Members described being the victims of discrimination from family, friends, treatment providers, social service workers, landlords, doctors and medical professionals, law enforcement agents, business owners, and more. You know how many people I see coming in here with nice clothes and nice cars, people you would never think would be a user? Well, they are using, so just remember that the next time you think someone is looking at you, okay? Beyond blocking entry into the exchange, the shame with which many drug users regarded their own activities was an obstacle to adopting the self-orientation necessary to practice harm reduction. Jack, a short, white year-old with thick-rimmed glasses and a shaved head, had been volunteering at the exchange after starting as a group member. Fuck you, I did it in your bathroom, motherfucker. You might as well run with it, baby, you know? Staff, volunteers, and members alike came to see the primary work of Connection Points as not the distribution of clean needles, but the project of destigmatizing the illicit drug user. The work of disease prevention and harm reduction could not move forward if members were incapacitated by self-loathing. The next step was to focus on enacting incremental degrees of control. Learning how to stay alive and disease-free was an urgent priority. Both staff and group members eagerly shared information to reduce risk of disease, victimization, and overdose. Group leaders engaged members in discussions about how to avoid contracting HIV and Hepatitis C, while users discussed how to inject drugs safely, properly care for abscesses, administer Narcan to prevent opiate overdose, and modify the type and extent of their drug consumption. Members who stopped supplementing their crack cocaine habit with alcohol, for example, were praised for taking a step to improve their quality of life. Real hard, recently. Group members shared risk management strategies, blueprints for navigating the everyday tensions of compulsion and control. For many members, practicing the strategies of incremental control they learned in the harm reduction group reinforced a new sense of self. Jason, a year-old methamphetamine user, started frequenting the exchange for clean syringes in his mids. Harm reduction, to me, was empowering. No matter where I was at, there were things that I could accomplish to help make my life better. It was empowering in the fact that it gave me options, and a sense of accomplishment, like I had done something to help myself or to maybe make my life a little bit better. Non-judgment and self-evaluation It is the idea that progress comes in small steps and diverse forms that most distances harm reduction from abstinence-based interventions. Connection Points refused to promote total sobriety as the point through which all drug users must move to improve their life conditions. Rather, they encouraged self-evaluation free from the judgments of others, as Leslie told the group: This is harm reduction. It is a non-judgmental approach to drug use. You need to be honest with yourself about how many drugs you do, what kinds of drugs you do, and what your consequences are — so that you can be real with yourself about how you need to change. Drug users might not be able to claim sobriety, but had to be allowed to conceptualize themselves as exercising control in a myriad of other ways. It was quite possible to equate sobriety with drug consumption. However, I see it as a great big step in the right direction. They can be clean, call it what you want. Your life, your rules. You can drink two beers. There is such a thing. But what this actually means in practice depends enormously, on the character of the practice, and on its role within radically different political and cultural settings. One question is whether the intervention is directly replacing more substantial services for drug users, or is ideologically employed to justify withdrawing such services. So how did Connection Points staff and members conceptualize the relationship between the addicted individual, the welfare state, and the criminal justice system? In our site at least, practitioners of harm reduction seemed to be a step ahead of their academic critics. Rita, a Connection Points volunteer and board member, suggested that the organization tried to actively pre-empt the dangers of pathologization within public health discourse. Yeah, all of these funders, they just seem to treat injecting drug users in such an 'epi' waydlike some sort of vector of disease or something. Not as a real human with real feelings. We address people as whole individuals, not as pathogens. We help people improve their lives, whatever that may mean. That might help them manage their drug use better and more safely. What we do is we make people feel like human beings. Here, for example, Tyrone told the group about a recent victimization at the hands of law enforcement. Next thing I know, they had me down in this room in the ground with no windows and they threw me up against a wall and slammed me into it. And then they were both standing over me, beating me and kicking me and punching me all Rodney King style! Sometimes, they just want to fuck with you. Some people will get messed with just because of the color of their skin or because they have a punk hairstyle or something, you know. Yet the tone of these conversations departed from the usual resentment and plotting. Many of the exchange members and volunteers espoused politicized orientations to harm reduction, and occasionally the group mobilized, for example to make and carry a banner against mandatory minimum sentences in a municipal parade. Tammy, a year-old Latina heroin user and exchange volunteer, enthusiastically laid out a plan for future advocacy. This is what you think a junkie is. Or think 'My God, my cousin is that person. My brother is that person. Someone in my family is that person. Yet our case demonstrates that contemporary social welfare institutions do not have to offer clients the bleak choice between inhabiting willful sin or powerless pathology Gowan, ; Lyon-Callo, ; Schram, Indeed the notion of a self-managing drug user inherently problematizes the epistemological basis of the drug war McCoy et al. To the contrary, if such attempts simultaneously foster recognition of a collective, or relational, selfhood, they may create the preconditions for claims to social citizenship. Rather than setting individual autonomy and social entitlement in a zero-sum relationship, Connection Points tried to build both simultaneously. Once they started to see themselves as entitled to clean syringes, they began to envision other citizenship rights as well e housing support, job opportunities, and basic economic support e social citizenship, as T. Marshall might have observed. In the United States at least, these principles have long gone out of fashion. They could not directly provide even bus passes or clothing, and only occasionally could they secure transitional housing or job training. References Acker, C. Creating the American junkie: Addiction research in the classic era of narcotic control. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Alexander, B. The globalisation of addiction. New York: Oxford University Press. Belani, H. Bluthenthal, R. The effect of syringe exchange use on high-risk injection drug users: a cohort study. Aids, 14, e Boltanski, L. The new spirit of capitalism. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 18, e Bondi, L. Working the spaces of neoliberal subjectivity: psychotherapeutic technologies, professionalisation and counselling. Bondi Eds. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Bourgois, P. Social misery and the sanctions of substance abuse: confronting HIV risk among homeless heroin addicts in San Francisco. 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