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It was the discovery of the body of a year-old woman on the streets of the Somali capital, Mogadishu, last year that brought into the open the problem of female drug addiction in the city. Health workers said she died from an opioid overdose. Friends of the social media influencer said she had been injecting drugs for a long time. They said she was high when she recorded some of her popular TikTok videos. Police have registered an increase in substance abuse in Mogadishu and elsewhere in Somalia, including among women. They say people are turning to new types of drugs. Whereas they used to chew the narcotic leaf khat - which is not illegal - drink alcohol, sniff glue or smoke hashish, more and more people are abusing opioids which they inject directly into their veins. These include morphine, tramadol, pethidine and codeine. In early December, police seized a large consignment of prescription drugs, mainly opioids, at Mogadishu's international airport. They arrested the importers. Another popular drug used by young women is a form of chewing tobacco known as 'tabbuu', which can cause mouth and throat cancer. Amino Abdi, 23, has been abusing drugs for the past five years. Although female drug addiction is a taboo subject in Somalia, she has decided to speak about it openly to the BBC in the hope that she can help break the silence and reduce prejudice. I became addicted to tobacco then moved on to harder drugs, especially those I could inject intravenously, mainly tramadol and pethidine. Ms Abdi says her drug use skyrocketed after she started having problems with her husband. She is now divorced and lives with her young daughter. My addiction got so bad that I lost my mind. I started sleeping in cars and on the streets. Ms Abdi is trying to come off drugs but says it is very difficult to do so because there are no proper rehabilitation centres in Somalia to manage her withdrawal. She says it is impossible to stop all the drugs at the same time. She has managed to reduce her habit of injecting opioids but still chews tobacco and smokes shisha. Parents, especially mothers, are desperately worried about the growing drug problem among their daughters, some of whom are still at school. Khadijo Adan noticed her year-old daughter was behaving in an unusual way. I confronted her and she told me she had started taking drugs because of peer pressure. Ms Adan sent her child to live in a centre run by Muslim sheikhs. She is no longer taking drugs because it is impossible for her to access them there. Many parents send their 'problem' children to such institutions, especially those with mental illnesses, those involved in crime or drugs and those suspected of being gay. Serious abuses have taken place in some centres, including the chaining and beating of inmates. As it struggles to cope with the worst drought in 40 years and more than three decades of conflict, Somalia's limited resources are unable to cover the most basic of human needs, let alone tackle problems like drug addiction. A few small organisations are trying to fill the gap by spreading awareness about the dangers of drugs. The Green Crescent Society visits schools and universities to warn students about different types of addiction, including substance abuse, gambling, gaming and social media. Sirad Mohamed Nur runs the Mama Ugaaso Foundation, which focuses on drug abuse among young people, including girls. But this is not enough. Drastic measures are needed to prevent this scourge from getting out of hand, especially among street children. About a fifth of street children in Somalia are girls. Increased drug abuse among marginalised youth has led to an increase in crime, including violence against women and girls. According to the research body, Somali Public Agenda, it has also led to the recent phenomenon of street gangs, known as 'Ciyal Weero', which have been striking terror across Mogadishu. In some cases, drugs are used to take advantage women such as in the south-western city of Baidoa, where a woman was reportedly raped after being given an opioid. There is a risk that the rise in intravenous drug-taking will overturn Somalia's relatively low prevalence of HIV and Aids. Health professionals say one of the most effective ways of tackling the opioid problem is to target the people who sell the drugs, most of whom are pharmacists. A pharmacist who did not want to give his name says he and his colleagues are not at all happy about the police intervention. It used to be so easy to sell drugs to young people, including girls, partly because nobody knew what kind of effect the drugs would have on them,' he said. We now fear selling drugs to young people and are losing income as a result. By speaking out about female drug abuse, brave young women like Amino Abdi and mothers like Khadijo Adan have taken the important first step of bringing the issue into the open. Police intervention and drug awareness programmes will also help, but without more resources and attention, it is unlikely the problem will go away anytime soon. If you have been affected by any of the issues in this story, the BBC Action Line has links to organisations which can offer support and advice. Skip to content. US Election. Somalia's opioid overdose: Young, female and addicted. Fathi Mohamed Ahmed. Amino Abdi has spoken out about her addiction hoping to reduce taboos around the issue. Getty Images. Many of the substances being abused are available without prescription at chemists across Mogadishu. There are no proper rehabilitation centres in Somalia to help people coming off highly addictive drugs. Street children at risk. The fresh leaves of khat, popular in Somalia, have a mild stimulating effect when chewed. Crackdown on chemists. Pharmacies have been making good money from selling painkillers and opioids to young people. Police have started to crack down on them. You may also be interested in:. What beauty parlours reveal about Somali women Rehab nightmare: Drugs, canes and chains The sand doodler who conquered her Islamic critics The women breaking tradition to write novels. Drug use.

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Human trafficking continues to be a significant area of concern in Somalia. Men, women, and children are regularly subjected to forced labour and sex trafficking. Human trafficking in the Somali context usually starts as smuggling, possibly with aggravated circumstances, and then becomes trafficking later along the route, in countries such as Sudan, Libya, or Yemen. Most victims come from south-central Somalia, and their main destinations are Europe, the Gulf states, and Southern Africa. Human movement within the country is extremely high, which is a key factor for exploitation, and it is common for women to act as intermediaries. Al-Shabaab also participates in these practices, particularly in recruiting child soldiers and orchestrating sexual slavery and forced marriage. Children are also often forced into labour in agriculture, domestic work, livestock herding, and selling khat internally and abroad. Somalia is a primary source country for human smuggling, with many people being smuggled across East Africa to Libya and then on to Europe. Somalia is also a prominent transit hub for Ethiopian individuals smuggled. Smuggling networks move people, often on a cyclical basis, with little effective resistance from the state. Owing to regional threats and the current humanitarian situation in Yemen, many Somali expatriates are also seeking to return home, and there remains an active two-way flow of people moving between Yemen, Djibouti, Somalia, and back. In addition, pirates move people across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen. Smuggling networks are typically run by Somalis and are considered a viable source of income. Poverty, economic and social insecurity, and natural disasters remain the principal triggers for migration and human smuggling in Somalia. There has also been a reported increase in the number of extortion schemes in the various destination countries utilized by Somali smuggling rings. Citizens, companies, NGOs, and humanitarian organizations often pay extortion fees to these groups to protect their personnel and physical assets. The taxation of trucks and cars moving through checkpoints is considered one of the most lucrative sources of extortion for Al-Shabaab. The money collected is stored and transferred using domestic financial institutions and mobile money services, facilitated by inadequate financial monitoring. The illicit taxation of agriculture, vehicles, goods, and livestock has made it possible for Al-Shabaab to remain in a healthy financial position. In Mogadishu, extortion has continued in the import, export, and transit of goods through the port facility. ISIS-Somalia also allegedly targets business leaders for extortion in urban areas and uses violence when extortion demands are not met. There is a substantial number of illegal weapons in Somalia, ranging from pistols to machine guns, and these are commonly trafficked by clan militias, Al-Shabaab, governmental groups, and transnational trafficking networks based in the north, particularly Puntland and eastern Somaliland. The country is affected by transnational organized crime, in the form of piracy, human trafficking, and drug trafficking, leading to an increased demand for the illicit supply of weapons. Criminal groups also reportedly receive weapons from local security forces. In addition, a great deal of arms trade is controlled by fishermen based in Aden, Yemen, or on the coast of Somaliland. Pharmaceutical products are the most commonly circulated counterfeit items in Somalia. Despite the fact that counterfeit medicine has caused deaths numbering in the thousands, the trade is perceived as legal by locals, and there is no associated violence. The government has tried to combat the sale of counterfeit medicine by requiring those importing or selling medicine to register with state authorities, but corruption within Somali institutions makes it likely that counterfeiting occurs at a much higher level than reported. Additionally, COVID appears to have driven a notable spike in counterfeit trafficking and the selling of pharmaceutical drugs. Al-Shabaab is believed to be one of the actors financed by the trade of counterfeit goods. In addition, the border between Somalia and Ethiopia is particularly vulnerable to tobacco smuggling owing to weak governance and the presence of terrorist groups. The consumption of alcohol is considered illegal, with the sale mainly conducted on the black market. The illegal trade of flora in Somalia remains a prevalent problem, with illegal charcoal trade being the most prominent form of flora crimes. While there has been no recording of substantial export of charcoal since , the domestic trade in this commodity and the major stockpiles of charcoal within the country accumulated as a result of the ban on charcoal exports continue to raise significant concerns. Charcoal and other timber products are also taxed at certain border crossings, indirectly financing terrorism. While the Somali government has strengthened measures to reduce charcoal exports, the internal trade of charcoal is increasing as more of the Somali population have begun using it owing to rising gas prices. Clan militias are also involved in the exploitation and overharvesting of the Boswellia trees used to produce frankincense, and disputes over the trafficking of this product often become violent. Fauna crime is a moderate criminal market in Somalia. Cheetah cubs are trafficked from Ethiopia, through Somaliland, and on to Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates, where they are in high demand as novelty pets. This route is the most prominent live big cat trafficking flow on the continent. The lion trade is also a concern, although strict fines put in place by destination countries may become effective in reducing demand. The smuggling of live big cats is also linked to internal issues within Somalia; farmers are known to capture cheetahs to sell as a way of redeeming losses resulting from the cheetahs attacking their cattle. In terms of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, Somalia is seriously affected, with foreign nationals driving the trade. The non-renewable resource sector in Somalia is at high risk of illicit trade owing to corruption and limited state oversight. The hydrocarbon exploration industry is vulnerable to considerable corruption related to the issuance of prospecting and mining rights and concessions. Also, the illegal exploration of gold and various gems in the mountain areas of the north does occur, although in a limited quantity. There is no notable domestic heroin market in Somalia, despite its location on the southern route for smuggling opiates from Afghanistan. Somalia has a volatile and continually shifting security environment, which makes the transit of narcotics difficult. Cases of heroin trafficking have however been identified, and the city of Bosaso reportedly has a connection to this activity. Similarly, cocaine trafficking in Somalia is small scale and, in general, hard drugs are not readily available in Mogadishu. Somalia also has very low levels of cannabis consumption and cannabis production for export is small scale. Al-Shabaab harshly punishes cannabis users and growers in the areas of the country it controls, substantially deterring participation in the market. Somalia does not play a major role in the trafficking of synthetic drugs, although there have been recent reports of the growing use of Tramadol. Al-Shabaab limits the use of information and communications technology and prohibits internet usage in the regions under its control, where rules and regulations are difficult to enforce. The lack of a solid regulatory framework for cyber-security also makes Somalia vulnerable to cybercrime. Past incidents in the country include the hacking of government email systems and websites, changing passwords, and destroying data. Pirated software products are common, increasing the risk of malware. Somalia does not have a strong financial regulation structure, and financial crime is widespread. Al-Shabaab is one of the primary actors, owing to its independent funding mechanisms and administrative bureaucracy. The group is known to divert and misuse international relief funds intended for famine victims. Other types of financial crime prevalent in Somalia include fraud and embezzlement, especially fraudulent financial activity and the manipulation of procedures linked to procurement. However, the embezzlement of international funds seems to be decreasing, with the Somali government relying more on international grants rather than taxes and other income sources. Tax evasion is also a significant challenge for the government. In Somalia, Al-Shabaab operates as part of a larger transnational criminal enterprise, engaging in illicit trafficking, extortion, and racketeering. The group has infiltrated many areas of Somali society and regularly commits serious abuses, including forcibly recruiting adults and children and extorting so-called taxes through threats. Al-Shabaab operates a network of checkpoints on roads across southern and central Somalia and collects taxes on various goods. Other militant actors present in the country also make use of illicit economies and taxation to finance their operations, and this in addition to the prevalence of Al-Shabaab makes Somalia one of the states most dominated by mafia-style organizations. Criminal networks, many of which operate in conjunction with Al-Shabaab, are largely led by entrepreneurs who control ethnic and clan-based networks that smuggle commodities out of the country. The absence of effective governance and the rule of law, combined with rampant corruption and an entrepreneurial spirit, has led to a blurring of the lines between legal and illegal activities. Some funds are also invested in real estate and businesses in Somalia and abroad. The Somali state suffers from weak governance and corruption. State officials are involved in organized criminal activities such as the misappropriation of international assistance, taxing flows, and gatekeeping illegal activities for bribes. Criminal interests, groups, clans, and militias have infiltrated all levels of the state. Corruption and collusion involving customs authorities and border guards also facilitate smuggling activities, with small-scale traders, mostly impoverished women, being forced to pay bribes to avoid confiscation of goods. Foreign actors in Somalia are involved in a range of illicit activities, including human and arms trafficking, natural resource exploitation, and political interference. Iranian-made weapons have been smuggled into the country, a trade that involves multiple armed groups and clans, while sophisticated transnational maritime trafficking networks operate to smuggle small arms and light weapons from Iran, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman. Turkey and Qatar are also involved in Somali politics and have faced allegations of supporting radical Islamist groups and being responsible for human rights abuses. Foreign private military contractors, including some hired by Eritrea, contribute significantly to violence and security distortions in Somalia. Most businesses in the country are established through bootstrapping and gathering funds from friends and family, with economic actors organizing themselves based on kinship and religious affiliation. Private entrepreneurs cooperate with political actors and militia leaders to carry out their activities, often undermining the state. Private business owners are also said to play a role in the judicial system, financing some Sharia courts. Somalia is a fragmented country and continues to be characterized by internal tension, violent extremism, extensive displacements, and weak governance. Despite some positive developments — such as the swearing in of new members of parliament in , after a delay of nearly two years — conflicts between federal member states and the federal government, as well as ongoing insecurity caused by Al-Shabaab, have hindered necessary reform. Moreover, corruption, a disillusioned youth, and the privatization of public goods by militia leaders and warlords remain major challenges in the promotion of peace and stability. In fact, Somalia is considered to be one of the most fragile and corrupt states in the world, and corruption is facilitated by dysfunctional institutions. The government has made some efforts to tackle the issue, such as the prosecution and conviction of federal officials and the improvement of financial management systems, aided by international partners. However, state agencies are ineffective, and there are no laws guaranteeing public access to government information or requiring officials to declare their income or assets. The self-declared Republic of Somaliland also faces corruption and nepotism on a clan basis, although it generally functions more effectively than the rest of the country. Somalia has ratified three of the 10 international treaties on organized crime. As a result, the government was able to retake control of major towns, although Al-Shabaab continues to establish itself in rural areas in the south. Moreover, authorities and the federal government continue their cooperation with the UN Refugee Agency and other humanitarian organizations to assist refugees, returning refugees, and asylum seekers, among others. Many pieces of legislation, such as the recently passed Human Trafficking Act, were introduced only after external pressure. The human rights situation is of great concern, as mechanisms to protect and promote basic rights are weak. The formal court system in Somalia is highly corrupt and dysfunctional, even in the capital city. The informal court system interferes in the work of the formal system, handling the majority of cases. There are also local courts, which combine the traditional and Islamic law that constitutes the basic judicial framework of the country. However, access to justice is low, and the formal justice system faces challenges and criticism from Sharia leaders as well as others delivering customary law at the local level, including Al-Shabaab. Military courts are still used throughout Somalia to try civilians, primarily those suspected of being members of terrorist groups. Prisons are overcrowded, as many inmates are held on remand for numerous years before trial. Detention centres are characterized by poor sanitation and hygiene, inadequate food and water, and a lack of medical care. The spread of violent extremism in prisons is a concern, and ethnic power struggles play out as much in the prison setting as they do outside. The law enforcement system in Somalia is weak, corrupt, and infiltrated by extremist groups, particularly Al-Shabaab. The Somali government maintains bilateral support for its policing and security services, but law enforcement capabilities do not exist effectively outside of international partnerships. Furthermore, authorities lack the adequate means to deal with cybercrime, and perpetrators are often not identified or prosecuted. The Ministry of Post and Telecommunications oversees such issues, but there is no specific division responsible for investigating cybercrime. Many organizations, private and public, lack expert information technology personnel. Al-Shabaab conducts cross-border attacks into Kenya, exacerbating the already tense relationship between the two countries. The government has limited ability to exercise its power independently, with no notable improvement in border control or the frequency of migration flows. Al-Shabaab continues to occupy and control many large rural areas in south-central Somalia. A robust informal money system, known as hawala, serves the vast Somali diaspora, enabling transactions to flow across borders without surveillance. Money transfer operators do not have robust anti-money laundering infrastructure, meaning that most transactions occur outside of what the formal financial system has the capacity to regulate. Al-Shabaab routinely uses domestic financial institutions, including commercial banks and mobile money services, to collect, store, and distribute revenue, and utilizes mobile money to make salary payments to its soldiers and officials. Money laundering through trade mispricing facilitates the movement of money into and out of the country. Despite some effort by the government, Somalia has not made sufficient progress to justify removing it from the list of countries that pose a risk to the international financial system. The government relies on the international community to play an active role in clarifying counterterrorism and anti-money laundering regulations to financial institutions. Online gambling and the abuse of crowdfunding are still not regulated, even though both methods are increasingly a source of funding for terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab and the Islamic State. Both the commercial and public sectors, notably in areas such as public procurement, international aid, and concessions, are structured around patronage networks and tight monopolies, which dominate the market. The absence of a regulatory framework and business infrastructure, along with a largely privatized banking system, hampers the state-regulated economic environment. As a result, Somalia is considered among the worst performing countries in the world by most relevant economic and businesses indicators. However, Somalis are incredibly entrepreneurial and have adapted to decades of uncertain governance through micro-entrepreneurship and the formation of local business councils and chambers of commerce. Taxation has improved in Mogadishu, and fees at the port and airport, the taxation of international trade, and an additional sales tax have increased revenue. However, the federal government has no power outside Mogadishu in terms of taxation. Meanwhile, Al-Shabaab continues to derive funding from sources such as checkpoint taxation and business extortion. The central state has essentially no capacity to provide basic services, and is reliant on the provision of food, shelter, and medical supplies from the international community. The distribution of aid is politicized, with Al-Shabaab taxing such funds to reinforce its local power. There is therefore no credible way for the government to claim or attempt to provide specialized or protective services to victims of any form of crime. Authorities have introduced several national and international policies to combat transnational organized crime and have made commitments to human rights protections. However, the implementation of these policies remains poor, and penalties for possessing or trafficking drugs are severe. Measures in place to prevent human trafficking vary in different regions, depending on available resources. Child soldiers remain a prominent issue, with various forces unlawfully recruiting and using them. While training and awareness campaigns to prevent the recruitment and use of child soldiers continue, the government has not reported the implementation of any mechanisms to curb their recruitment and use in its own army. Somalia is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists, with political violence and corruption undermining the freedom of the press. Even though officially allowed by the Somali Provincial Federal Constitution, public protests and assemblies are often restricted or even forbidden. Journalists who refuse to comply become targets for Al-Shabaab militants, or face arbitrary detention, torture, targeted killings, or the closure of their media houses by authorities. Despite these challenges, civil society organizations and NGOs have a strong presence in Somalia, providing local services and peacebuilding, but with a limited impact. In Somaliland, many NGOs and political parties can operate without interference. Nevertheless, there has been an increase in restrictions and the arbitrary arrest of government critics, including journalists and opposition leaders. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. Capital Mogadishu. Population 17,, Geography type Coastal. Income group Low income. Criminal markets 5. Human trafficking 8. Human smuggling 7. Extortion and protection racketeering 9. Arms trafficking 9. Trade in counterfeit goods 6. Illicit trade in excisable goods 5. Flora crimes 7. Fauna crimes 5. Non-renewable resource crimes 3. Heroin trade 2. Cocaine trade 2. Cannabis trade 2. Synthetic drug trade 2. Cyber-dependent crimes 2. Financial crimes 7. Criminal actors 7. Mafia-style groups 9. Criminal networks 7. State-embedded actors 7. Foreign actors 5. Private sector actors 5. Government transparency and accountability 1. International cooperation 2. National policies and laws 2. Judicial system and detention 2. Law enforcement 1. Territorial integrity 1. Anti-money laundering 2. Economic regulatory capacity 1. Victim and witness support 1. Prevention 1. Non-state actors 3. Analysis Download full profile english. People Human trafficking continues to be a significant area of concern in Somalia. Trade There is a substantial number of illegal weapons in Somalia, ranging from pistols to machine guns, and these are commonly trafficked by clan militias, Al-Shabaab, governmental groups, and transnational trafficking networks based in the north, particularly Puntland and eastern Somaliland. Environment The illegal trade of flora in Somalia remains a prevalent problem, with illegal charcoal trade being the most prominent form of flora crimes. Drugs There is no notable domestic heroin market in Somalia, despite its location on the southern route for smuggling opiates from Afghanistan. Cyber Crimes Al-Shabaab limits the use of information and communications technology and prohibits internet usage in the regions under its control, where rules and regulations are difficult to enforce. Financial Crimes Somalia does not have a strong financial regulation structure, and financial crime is widespread. Criminal Actors In Somalia, Al-Shabaab operates as part of a larger transnational criminal enterprise, engaging in illicit trafficking, extortion, and racketeering. Leadership and governance Somalia is a fragmented country and continues to be characterized by internal tension, violent extremism, extensive displacements, and weak governance. Criminal justice and security The formal court system in Somalia is highly corrupt and dysfunctional, even in the capital city. Civil society and social protection The central state has essentially no capacity to provide basic services, and is reliant on the provision of food, shelter, and medical supplies from the international community. Next Skip.

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