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On the night of December 2, , a Honduran woman in the rural province of Olancho was protesting what she saw as a stolen election. The Honduran military and police forces had flooded the streets to enforce the curfew, and the woman was shot in her abdomen, reportedly by a soldier. She was rushed to a nearby clinic where her baby was delivered by emergency cesarean. The child was born with a gunshot wound to the leg. The curfew and violence were sparked by a strange, contested election. He was then proclaimed victor by a thin margin. Packed protests and militarized streets followed. As of December 22, human rights organizations in the country have counted more than 30 people killed by security forces, at least four of whom were under the age of After delivering the wounded baby, the doctor at the clinic sent mother and child to a hospital in Olancho for specialized care. Then, shaken by the experience, the doctor shared with a handful of peers several photographs he had taken of the patients, which he framed carefully to excise their faces. After someone uploaded the photos to Facebook, the doctor received death threats. Three more family members died violently between and , two of them in Olancho. Similar stories abound. In fact, this reality permeates Honduras, although in Olancho it has a particular flavor. Atop this foundation, the electoral conflict rages — a pyre into which one can be born already a victim of gun violence. Municipal office in Concordia, in the Honduran province of Olancho, on Aug. The province of Olancho is larger than the entire neighboring country of El Salvador. It spans much of the eastern end of Honduras. This location has been especially unlucky since , when the pressure of the American drug war rerouted most trafficking off its previous route and instead directly through Central America. Olancho, and the eastern Honduran fringe it dominates, has become a corridor: To the south is the land border with Nicaragua; to the north and east, the Caribbean, which functions as a sea border with producers in South America and consumers in the north. Drugs are forced through whether they float, drive, or fly. Olancho is gorgeous, with elevated cloud forests flush with orchids and fresh water that tumbles down majestic cliffs, spilling into lowland rainforests or emerald rolling pastures and valleys. But a sinister history lies below the surface and reveals itself only indirectly. Years later, olanchanos faced new terrors — no longer an imperial counterinsurgency but the drug trade. They remember that time as a free-for-all. Drug planes used the highways as airstrips at midnight. Bulletproof vehicles circulated without license plates, and everyone else had to drive with windows rolled down so they could be easily identifiable as an unthreatening local. There were gun battles at all hours and targeted killings to eliminate people the narcos considered undesirable: gang members, transgender women, street children. And perhaps more than anything, cocaine for individual consumption was available everywhere: around the corner, in the park, at the neighborhood fruit stand. Narcos often paid their Olancho help in-kind. Interdiction data extracted from the U. Annual totals remained similarly high until , the year of the coup, when the total skyrocketed again to 70, kg. Then, between and , U. Tegucigalpa, aided by Washington, began a crackdown that was visible to olanchanos by Special forces police, in units known as Cobras and Tigres, accompanied by the military and public prosecutors office, raided mansions, hotels, construction firms, meat-packing plants, mayoral offices, outlet stores, mineral mines, and private zoos throughout Olancho in the next few years. The Cobras police remained to occupy some areas. Residents say they frequently saw U. Drug Enforcement Administration agents accompanying raids. In response to the repression, the narcos went underground. The chessboard masters are the elite. Fabio was later arrested in Haiti, and his personal cadre of police, who ensured safe passage for the drugs, was arrested in Honduras. The streets may be calmer now, but they still rule, and they make their presence known. For instance: the imported German beers in the dilapidated refrigerators of corner stores across Catacamas, catering to expensive tastes not from around there. Sightings of limousines that appear suddenly and meander dirt roads. Mark Bonta, a geographer at Penn State Altoona, is one of the scientists and earlier that summer, he was in a truck jostling along a dirt path into the heart of the reserve. For a while, the lowland rainforest appeared just as a 1. But then we rolled into blight. Recently felled trees smoldered, a gray graveyard extending to the horizon. They all lead to deforestation. The logging-to-cattle cycle is particularly useful: Use drug profits to chop trees, grow grass, buy cows, and every step of the process is like a magic wand that transforms bad money into good — and yields a return on the investment. Cocaine has been found in many exported Honduran products, including logs, cattle, tomato paste, and coconuts. That day, as we drove on, we passed pastures of long-ago deforested land, now grassy hills flecked with shining cattle. We took a pitstop when the dirt path hit a patch of houses. A man there told us he worked providing transport, driving his truck up and down the road. He said that just across the Coco River that divides Honduras from Nicaragua, the farthest point his work takes him, there are large ranches owned by Colombian traffickers. We heard similar rumors that day about multiple other regions of the country: Narco operations, sometimes in collaboration with international outfits and sometimes under homegrown capos, are to blame for the broken trees. Not all this deforestation is narco-related. After all, logging and ranching are historic trades in the region. The drug connection is a scientific hypothesis based on satellite images of unusually rapid land-use change, located in well-known trafficking routes, triangulated with the testimonies of people on the ground and reports from organizations that follow the tides of corruption. We piled back into the truck, and along the way we offer rides to various local residents we found walking along the edge of the road. The man said his nephew arrived to discover his new employer was a mineral mine owned by Colombian narcos. The nephew is only occasionally allowed to return home to bring his earnings to his family, the passenger said. He is one of many people unwittingly recruited into the service of traffickers, said Migdonia Ayestas, the coordinator of a project that collects and analyzes data on violence, based at the National Autonomous University of Honduras or UNAH. Leaving the job means going rogue. Edmundo Orellana, who has served as the Honduran public prosecutor, the minister of defense, and delegate to the United Nations, has said that the Honduran economy runs on money laundering. In a phone interview, he said he began to notice legitimate industry used to launder illicit funds in the s when he was public prosecutor. Orellana also points to high-level local control of the drug trade. To illustrate, he uses the case of the Cachiros cartel. Other criticisms include his attempts to bring all branches of the government under his control, from the Supreme Court to the public prosecutor, to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal and the military police force. His company Dinant was backed in the past by the U. The Honduran police and military have been trained by the U. Honduran national police stand guard next to supporters of opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla as they hold a protest march on December 3, in Tegucigalpa, despite the state of emergency and a day curfew imposed by the government to stop violent demonstrations triggered by claims of presidential election fraud. Yet successive U. Yet two days after the election, the U. State Department certified Honduras as a country that fights corruption and respects human rights and thus, can receive millions of dollars in U. On December 2, the U. That night, the delegation of election observers from the Organization of American States recommended the results be scrapped and that a new election be held. Despite increasing calls from U. The Department ended its statement by calling upon Hondurans to refrain from violence. Top photo: Residents get away from clashes between riot police and supporters of opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla, during protests in Tegucigalpa, on December 18, But what does it mean? On the same day lobbyists for NSO met with Rep. Search for:. Residents get away from clashes between riot police and supporters of opposition candidate Salvador Nasralla, during protests in Tegucigalpa, on December 18, Olancho is the birthplace of a legendary bandit , a land of families that evolved into rival clans, where residents are known to claim their nationality first as Olanchano. And in keeping with the autonomous character, Olancho is politically divided: One population center, Juticalpa, is home to the rancher and former president from the right-wing National Party, Porfirio Lobo, so Juticalpa is loyally Nationalist. The other population center, Catacamas, favors Manuel Zelaya, a logger raised there who later became the leftist president ousted in a coup. The rest of Olancho falls somewhere in between or nowhere at all. Another trace of their presence is large enough to be seen from space. Photo: Narcodeforestation scientist tea In the summer of , a group of U. They have been studying a trend they call narco-deforestation : trees razed because of the drug trade. Suddenly, one scientist gasped and swiveled his computer screen so the rest could see. The image was a cemetery of hacked trees. The extent of the carnage was almost certainly too big and had happened too fast to be funded by anything other than drugs. One of the more quirky examples of such knowledge was a State Department cable written in Tegucigalpa about U. Has a gringo ever traveled to Tegucigalpa to eat a Big Mac? Contact the author: Danielle Mackey dmack08 gmail. Matt Sledge - am. Georgia Gee - am. Jessica Washington - Oct.
The priest who built a stadium in small-town Honduras
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Father Alberto Gauci: 'It will be a place where the whole family can come together of any kind of spectacle'. Juticalpa is an unlikely place for a football stadium. A dusty cattle-ranching town in the rural state of Olancho, it seems hard to believe there is an urgent need for a 20,capacity sporting arena in this part of Honduras. Yet amid the thick vegetation and rolling grasslands, a team of mud-caked workers is putting the finishing touches to the Estadio Juan Ramon Breve Vargas, the biggest stadium of its kind outside the capital, Tegucigalpa. Furthermore, the brains behind the project is neither an architect nor a civil engineer but a chain-smoking Franciscan priest from Malta, Father Alberto Gauci - whom everyone here simply calls Padre Alberto. Will Grant reports: ''It's very clear why the people of this town are so proud of this stadium''. So the problem has to go hand in hand with trying to find a solution. His solution is football. A keen player in his youth, Padre Alberto remains an avid fan, especially of his adopted country's national side. These people don't have very much to be proud of but I could see them smiling and feeling proud. Hondurans were thrilled to see their national team qualify for the World Cup. Padre Alberto hopes football will instil pride in Honduran children otherwise at risk from street violence. He wants to harness that positivity around the tournament in Brazil to try to encourage young people away from drugs, street gangs and violence in the country with the highest murder rate in the world. At the local high school, a group of kids playing football on a potholed pitch between rusted goalposts agree that Juticalpa can be a dull place for young people. I've seen a lot of people start using drugs. Sebe thinks the stadium will be great because it may be used for concerts. The stadium will not just be used for football games but also for concerts and other events. But it'll be easier once the stadium is built,' he hopes. Even in its unfinished state, the stadium is impressive. The roofing system was designed and constructed by local builders. The stadium's roof was not only constructed but also designed by local builders. The floodlights were imported from the United States and the turf is due to be laid by students at the local agricultural college. The result is a facility comparable with any of the leading teams in Central America. Honduran expats in the United States pitched in too, raising tens of thousands of dollars through events such as fun runs and barbeques. But Padre Alberto is often more touched by the smaller donations like a bag of cement or a day's free labour from people who have little to offer. Invariably dressed in the singlet, shorts and sandals of a layman rather than the dog collar and formal robes of a man of the cloth, Padre Alberto's simple lifestyle is in keeping with his ethos of working in rural Honduras. Padre Alberto has received much support from the local community. As he sees it, the Catholic Church - particularly under Pope Francis - must try to work more closely with the local community. In keeping with that sentiment, he has already overseen some impressive infrastructural projects during his 40 years in the town. We used to gather the elderly people who die on the street during the night because of the cold and we built them a home,' he recalls. The list goes on: a nutritional centre, a kindergarten, a bakery, a healthcare centre for local AIDS patients and even a prison to tackle chronic overcrowding in the penal system. Padre Alberto is equally at ease on the pulpit as he is on a construction site. As for the stadium, the first beneficiaries will be the local football club, Juticalpa FC. Newly promoted to the First Division, after the World Cup they will take their place in the top tier of Honduran football and now have a new home to match their ambitions. Marco Mejia is their leading striker. At almost 40 years old, the veteran forward shares Padre Alberto's vision for the stadium, particularly as someone who battled with addiction himself. So people might start to see that Juticalpa isn't just cattle rearing and dairy farming. Honduras seeks ballot box salvation. Death of a street footballer. This video can not be played To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser. By Will Grant. National pride. Image source, AP. Lure of drugs. State of the art. Local ties. More on this story.
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