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This article identifies the early dictatorship of former President Ferdinand Marcos as a significant moment in drug policy in the Philippines, as well as the wider Southeast Asian region. This discourse was co-constructed with various actors and institutions across civil society, including the Catholic Church, academics, filmmakers, and the numerous drug-related nonprofits that proliferated during the time. Moreover, it situates drug wars not as exceptions to history, but as parts of a continuum determined by global policy currents and geopolitical influences; as co-constructed narratives built on enduring, popular attitudes toward drugs and drug use, and past drug regimes and drug wars. Indeed, framing Duterte, from his mayoralty to his presidency, as a man obsessed with fighting drugs and the people who use them could very well be the dominant, present-day narrative. While anti-drug legislation in the Philippines dates back to the American colonial period in the early 20th century, with the episcopal bishop Reverend Charles Brent instrumental in instituting global drug control Foster , it was during the Marcos years that drugs gained political valence as a perceived threat both to the body politic and to the youth. Ultimately, the reification of this menace paved the way for a more punitive drug regime, the defining consequences of which were the passage of Republic Act or the Dangerous Drugs Act of , and the subsequent creation of the Dangerous Drugs Board DDB. In this article, we focus on how drugs figured in official policies, as well as political and public discourses, during the early Marcos dictatorship. We utilized two main data sources. Hence, we looked to the media e. Taken together, these sources were framed and analyzed textually to demonstrate the discourses on illegal drugs and the people associated with them. Additionally, in mapping the conditions of possibility that allowed the discourses on drugs to become means toward political ends during the dictatorship, we also build on the local Philippine scholarship, as well as the global literature, that has recognized drugs and drug wars as populist tropes. As will be shown later, this history is inextricably part and parcel of the conditions of possibility that affect the Philippine experience of drugs and illicit drug use. The late s and early s were major turning points in Philippine history. As the country was plunged alongside the rest of the world deep into the context of the Cold War, the specter of what would become a brutal dictatorship became more apparent. Expectedly, the discourse shaped by his administration underscored the necessity for a stronger state to combat the mounting threats to national security. Months away from his declaration of martial law, Marcos para. Drug addiction… \[has\] aggravated the peace and order problem… \[Drugs\] constitute a threat to the fabric of morality which is indispensable to the preservation of public order. They are perils against which we must be particularly watchful because they work insidiously, undermining the character and spirit of our people, and producing their peculiar form of destruction without force and violence. Among its novel impositions was the penalty of death for anyone caught using, transporting, selling, or distributing prohibited drugs. As well, R. On 21 September , Marcos declared martial law. The public execution of Lim Seng by firing squad in January was a major statement toward the rapidly militarizing state of the Philippines. This could be seen, for example, in how the Philippine Constabulary, the police force at the time, and in particular the Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit CANU that had been deliberately established in , operated. In large part, the CANU was formed with US intervention to crack down on American soldiers in the Philippines who were covertly participating in the drug trade Seagrave One notable case involved year-old Liliosa Hilao, a student activist who was abducted and tortured to death by the military in Even with the high-profile execution of Lim Seng, however, the drug trade still thrived during the dictatorship—lending further proof of drugs only being used as a trope to justify martial law. Nevertheless, throughout the early years of his dictatorship, Marcos continued to drum up support for his drug war. Drug addiction is no longer just a threat. It has become a morbid and perplexing reality… In a sense, drugs pose a greater danger than crime itself. Addiction works insidiously to destroy private lives, and ultimately the life of the nation. The youth, many of them in the schools, are particularly vulnerable to it… Antinarcotics squads have a full-time job tracking down the monster to its many lairs… The most alarming fact is that the drug traffic has become an underground or rebel activity, and it has gone deeper since proclamation of martial law para. The depiction of drugs as a social evil, and people who use drugs as worthy of eradication, was propagated not only by the Marcos government. The year preceding the declaration of martial law, the CBCP released two letters that echoed the state rhetoric in discussion. So are filthy movies and pornography. These are evils that erode most insidiously, the moral fiber of our people. Do we—and our students especially—see them in this light? The smuggling of products that are legally forbidden as harmful or dangerous like narcotic drugs, is clearly sinful since the legal prohibition is declarative of the natural law Alberto para. The DDB, for instance, worked with many private institutions to develop anti-drug educational programs, such that by the s, many of these schools already had their own standalone programs both as part of the curriculum and as extra-curriculars Cudal ; Quejas Individually, academics also worked with government in ways that forwarded the anti-drug and, in effect, pro-state agenda. A notable example is the late sociologist Ricardo M. Zarco, pioneer of drugs research in the country, who incidentally worked for a full decade with the Narcotics Foundation of the Philippines NFP as consultant-researcher, producing during that time a two-volume monograph on drug use, including one among students Zarco ; see also Gutierrez The medical establishment, too, participated in the discourse: An essay penned in by the director of the National Mental Hospital cited government-generated data e. The NFP was one such organization. International civic and humanitarian organizations also figured in this ersatz movement against drugs. Likewise, the Philippine National Red Cross included drug abuse prevention and control in its training for both professionals and volunteer instructors, while the Boy Scouts of the Philippines developed an educational program that aimed to reach some two million youth Cudal Lastly, cultural institutions like the film industry also participated in the moral panic around drugs. In alone, at least three films were released that all featured drug use cast in a negative or antagonistic light. Reyes , for instance, theorized this war as a Foucaldian spectacularization of violence, in which dead bodies were used overtly to declare the state ideology and subliminally to inculcate the need for discipline among the citizenry. Meanwhile, Warburg and Jensen posited that the ruthlessness of policing methods during this war and the normalization of violence could be attributed in part to conceptions of discipline that perceived the law as subordinate to the need for order. Our findings furnish proof of precedent for these arguments: Insofar as the idea of discipline is concerned, Duterte was not the first to use it as justification for state policy; Marcos already did that, and for far longer. Beyond the discipline narrative, it is possible, although admittedly facile, to consider that leaders turn to drug wars simply for political capital; that by mobilizing the issue of drugs, they distinguish themselves as better than their predecessors, who are thus portrayed as negligent and less capable. The more empirical and historically grounded position, however, is to view the emergence of a drug war not as an isolated phenomenon, but as part of a historical continuum. Regardless of when they surface, it is therefore important to emphasize, in our case, how drug regimes and drug wars only build upon existing regimes and existing wars. This brings us to our final point: that drug regimes are sociopolitical constructions that resonate in particular historical moments. The significance of this point is underscored by existing scholarship demonstrating the impact of such constructions on actual drug policy—how, for example, government and media framings of drug issues can extensively shape political and legislative decisions, at times tending toward the punitive and prohibitive; how such framings can spell the difference between support for a life-affirming drug paradigm and one that views drug use as a reprehensible evil Euchner et al. These constructions eventually determine the policy landscape: A perspective that regards drugs as an unqualified evil consequently accepts without reservations any measure to neutralize people who use drugs, either judicially or extrajudicially. In this way, governments are then given the opportunity, with popular support, to impose draconian measures, effectively legitimizing efforts to move toward authoritarianism. Historical research—the need to historicize drug wars, and in turn, drug policy—is demanded in this case. Drug wars, after all, thrive on popularized claims and exaggerated rhetoric. Marcos relied on these tactics, as we have shown; so, too, did Duterte, asserting at the launch of his war in that the country was riddled with four million addicts—an inflated statistic, as government records have shown Ranada Without firm, historical grounding, our scholarship is bound to fall short as far as the production of counternarratives is concerned, granting future politicians further leeway to capitalize on enduring, societal views toward drugs and launch their own iterations of a drug war. As drug policy in the region evolves rapidly, so must our critical understanding of the numerous contexts within which these changes unfold—and our critical engagement with drugs themselves, whether as populist tropes, discursive elements, or lived experiences. See Executive Order No. See Administrative Order No. See Proclamation No. Abinales, PN. Political science and the Marcos dictatorship. Social Transformations , 4 2 : 55— Agoncillo, TA. The Presidency and martial law. Alberto, TV. Prayer and the interior life. Joint pastoral letter of the Catholic Bishops of the Philippines on prayer and the interior life , 8 July. Statement on drug abuse. Joint pastoral letter of the Bishops of the Philippines on the occasion of their semi-annual meeting , 29 January. The Marcos era: A reader. Bottoms, AE. The philosophy and politics of punishment and sentencing. In Clarkson, C and Morgan, R eds. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Campos, MCL. Drug abuse and the law. Philippine Law Journal , — Comprehensive Dangerous Drugs Act of Cornelio, J and Lasco, G. Morality politics: Drug use and the Catholic Church in the Philippines. Open Theology , 6 1 : — Coronel, SS. The vigilante President. Foreign Affairs , 98 5 : 36— Cudal, AS. Educational programmes on the prevention and control of drug abuse in the Philippines. Bulletin on Narcotics , 28 3 : 1—9. Cupin, B. Rappler , 23 August. Dangerous Drug Act of Euchner, E-M, et al. Journal of European Public Policy , 20 3 : — Ferraiolo, K. Morality framing in U. Foster, AL. The Philippines, the United States, and the origins of global narcotics prohibition. The Social History of Alcohol and Drugs , 33 1 : 13— Gancayco, J. People of the Philippines vs. Romeo Policarpio y Miranda. Goduco-Auglar, C. A note on drug abuse in the Philippines. Bulletin on Narcotics , 24 2 : 43— Gutierrez, FC. Filipino sociologist and mentor: Professor Ricardo M. Zarco — Philippine Sociological Review , 7— Herschinger, E. Constructing global enemies: Hegemony and identity in international discourses on terrorism and drug prohibition. London, UK: Routledge. Kenny, PD. Populism and the war on drugs in Southeast Asia. The Brown Journal of World Affairs , 25 2 : — Kill the Pushers. Directed by A. Buenaventura \[streaming copy\]. Manila: JE Productions. Kine, P. Harvard International Review , 38 3 : 24— Kiwanis International. Kiwanis in Action edition. Kusaka, W. Disaster, discipline, drugs, and Duterte: Emergence of new moral subjectivities in post-Yolanda Leyte. In: Seki, K ed. London: Routledge. Kuzmarov, J. Modernizing repression: Police training and nation-building in the American Century. International Journal of Drug Policy , 26 7 : — Lasco, G. Drugs and drug wars as populist tropes in Asia: Illustrative examples and implications for drug policy. International Journal of Drug Policy , Lasco, G and Yu, VG. Living Dead. Directed by T. Cayado \[streaming copy\]. Manila: Ilocandia Productions. Liwanag, A. Brief review of the history of the Communist Party of the Philippines on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of its reestablishment , 26 December. Marcos, FE. Seventh state of the nation address , 24 January. Ninth state of the nation address , 21 September. McCoy, AW. The politics of heroin: CIA complicity in the global drug trade. New York: Lawrence Hill Books. Searching for significance among drug lords and death squads: The covert netherworld as invisible incubator for illicit commerce. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development , 1 1 : 9— Mijares, P. The conjugal dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Nardong Putik. Bacoor, Cavite: Cavite Pictures. Neistat, A and Seok, K. Pacia, SI. Story in numbers war on drugs. Philippine Daily Inquirer , 16 October. Pernia, RA. Human rights in a time of populism: Philippines under Rodrigo Duterte. Asia-Pacific Social Science Review , 19 3 : 56— Pratt, J. Penal populism. Quejas, SQ. The role of non-governmental organizations in the prevention and reduction of drug abuse: The Philippine experience. Bulletin on Narcotics , 35 3 : 53— Rafael, VL. White love and other events in Filipino history. Ranada, P. Rappler , 6 May. Reyes, DA. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs , 35 3 : — Sales, J. Empire and the War on Drugs in the Philippines , 25 February. Seagrave, S. The Marcos dynasty. New York: Harper and Row. Sidel, J. In Rafael, VL ed. Simangan, D. Journal of Genocide Research , 20 1 : 68— Social Weather Stations. April 19—27, Social weather survey: Pres. Journalism , 22 9 : — Stoicescu, C and Lasco, G. Supreme Court of the Philippines En Banc. Tan, ML. Teehankee, JC. Weak state, strong presidents: Situating the Duterte presidency in Philippine political time. Journal of Developing Societies , 32 3 : — Thompson, MR. Bloodied democracy: Duterte and the death of liberal reformism in the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs , 35 3 : 39— Tiger, R. Race, class, and the framing of drug epidemics. Contexts , 16 4 : 46— US Department of State. Warburg, AB and Jensen, S. Ambiguous fear in the war on drugs: A reconfiguration of social and moral orders in the Philippines. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , 51 1—2 : 5— Wodak, R. The discourse-historical approach. In: Wodak, R and Meyer, M eds. Wurfel, D. Civil society and democratization in the Philippines. In: Sato, Y ed. Yarcia, LEP. In: Lasco, G ed. Yodmani, C. The role of the association of South-East Asian nations in fighting illicit drug traffic. Bulletin on Narcotics , 35 4 : 97— Zarco, RM. Two research monographs on drug abuse in the Philippines. Manila: Narcotics Foundation of the Philippines. Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Abstract This article identifies the early dictatorship of former President Ferdinand Marcos as a significant moment in drug policy in the Philippines, as well as the wider Southeast Asian region. Keywords: war on drugs drug policy Philippines Southeast Asia history of drug policy. Year: Submitted on Jul 11, Accepted on Oct 12, Published on Dec 12, Peer Reviewed. CC Attribution 4. Drugs and the Marcos Government The late s and early s were major turning points in Philippine history. Drugs and Civil Society The depiction of drugs as a social evil, and people who use drugs as worthy of eradication, was propagated not only by the Marcos government. Notes See Executive Order No. Competing Interests The authors have no competing interests to declare. References Abinales, PN.

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