Anal Virginity

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Anal Virginity
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Simply I want to know (excuse me for my english, but I'm an Italian boy) how a male can be recognized as virgin. My friends say that the frenulum broke when you do for the first time...it's true?
I was reading the question about male virginity recognition and got a doubt. Is it possible to detect that a man is virgin of anal sex, i mean, has ever done anal sex?
Dear Little Confused Italian and Reader,
No matter what language you speak, male virginity (or the lack thereof) cannot be detected. What leads you to ask? Are you weighing the pros and cons of having sex for the first time? It’s great that you are doing your research! Oftentimes, friends have good intentions, but the information they provide may not be 100 percent accurate.
In uncircumcised males, the frenulum (the loose piece of skin just below the tip on the underside of the penis) is sometimes tight. When this is the case, erections, masturbation, and sexual activities of all kinds may be painful or cause bleeding because the frenulum can tear. However, this is not an indication of virginity or non-virginity. The treatment for a tight frenulum is a very minor surgery that lengthens the frenulum a centimeter or so. This procedure involves a local anesthesia and dissolving stitches and can be done in the doctor’s office. It generally doesn’t even require any pain medication beyond the local anesthesia.
With regards to anal sex, virginity also cannot be detected (in any gender). The anus stretches during sex, but it soon contracts back to its regular size after sexual activity is over. An individual who has anal sex for the first time may notice that the anus feels differently than during subsequent times. For example, if you have a positive experience with anal sex, your anal muscles may tend to relax more easily over time, allowing for easier stretching during sex. But this change in muscles would probably only be detectable to you.
It is worth noting that the idea that female virginity is always “detectable” is also something of a myth. The hymen (the membrane that covers the interior of the vagina) can break during all sorts of non-sexual activities.
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An emphasis on virginity may be detrimental for young women, for instance, if they feel pressure to “prove their virginity” through sexual intercourse with a male partner, or pressured to practice anal sex to preserve their virginity (Harrison, 2008).
John Bancroft MD FRCP FRCPE FRCPsych , in Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Third Edition) , 2009
The importance of virginity of the woman at marriage has been linked to the property rights of men over women, a pattern with a long tradition in Mediterranean countries in particular ( Kinsey et al 1953 ). The socio-biological view is that men prefer chaste women in order to ensure their paternity ( Daly & Wilson 1978 ). Whereas the basic economic implications of the bride price and dowry may have largely disappeared except in ritualistic form, the importance of ‘owning’ the woman for the self-esteem of many men is still evident. By the same token, ‘scoring’ with women represents a method of asserting dominance over other men, what Gagnon & Simon (1973) described as ‘homosocial’ sexuality. Such methods of bolstering the self-esteem of men may have been used less frequently as alternative sources of self-esteem gain in importance. At least until recently, in modern urban societies both the virginity ethic and the ‘homosocial’ exploitation of women have been somewhat more marked amongst the lower socio-economic groups ( Gagnon & Simon 1973 ). This will be considered further in the later section on social class.
Interference, like virginity , is best defined by what its absence implies -- that exchanges among and along homologous chromosomes are distributed independently of each other, both within and among homologous chromosomes emerging from parallel acts of meiosis. When the number of sites at which exchange can occur is large and the population of meiotic cells is uniformly capable of exchange, independence implies that crossovers will be Poisson-distributed among these homologous chromosomes ( Figure 1 ( a )). A property of the Poisson distribution is that the variance is equal to the mean, providing one test for independence (i.e., absence of interference). Any situation in which exchanges are not so distributed qualifies as interference of one sort or another.
Figure 1 . The distribution of exchanges among acts of meiosis according to the Erlang model. With the abscissa in units of exchanges per bivalent, this chromosome has a map length of 150 cM. (a) In the absence of interference ( k = 1 in the Erlang distribution), exchanges on a given bivalent are Poisson distributed: P j = (2 X ) j e −2X / j !, where 2 X , the mean of the distribution, is twice the map length in morgans. (b) In the presence of positive interference, the distribution of exchanges has a variance that is less than the mean. The distribution shown here is calculated from the Erlang model with k = 5. The symbol m , which is sometimes used as the parameter in the Erlang model, is the number of failures that fall between adjacent crossovers (successes).
A finding that the variance of an observed distribution of crossovers among homologs is greater than its mean implies that exchanges are distributed less equitably than random, which may imply that the cells in which the recombination is occurring are heterogeneous in their rate of exchange. Such heterogeneity may be manifested as a positive correlation (negative interference) in the occurrence of exchanges in linked and in unlinked intervals. It is mentioned here because of its capacity to confound studies of the more interesting type of interference, in which the observed variance of the exchange distribution is less than the mean (positive interference) ( Figure 1 ( b )).
Historically AOUM had as a primary focus women’s chastity and virginity with often a reinforcement of gendered double standards related to sexual activity. This early gendered message about sex has resulted in men being celebrated for their sexual prowess while women who fail to follow the expected model of chastity until marriage are deemed “sluts” and are shamed. Further, in AOUM, male testosterone is used to naturalize men’s desire for sex while women’s hormones (including testosterone) are not used to educate them about their sexual desire but rather are often primarily discussed with regard to women’s hormones supporting their ability to have children. Sex education then has served to reinforce gender stereotypes of men as assertive and active participants in their sex lives and lives in general while women are seen as either victims of sexual abuse (with some evidence of victim blaming) or as passive caregivers waiting to meet the right heterosexual partner with whom to build a family [35–37] .
The sex disparities evident in sex and reproductive education unfortunately continue into adulthood. As adults, women are frequently encouraged to have annual medical appointments for gynecological care and screening whereas men are less commonly encouraged to have yearly urologic screenings. This results in the likelihood that more women than men will have somewhat regular contact with medical professionals who could educate them about sex and fertility. It is unclear if routine provision of reproductive information occurs; it appears more typical that women receive such information only when they, rather than the healthcare professional, raise the topic [28] . What is clear is that men commonly report lower reproductive knowledge than women [12] .
Quarraisha Abdool Karim , ... Abigail Harrison , in HIV Prevention , 2009
Too often, cultural practices that may be harmful to young people, such as virginity testing or initiation ceremonies, are promoted as having value in terms of safe sex or HIV prevention. An emphasis on virginity may be detrimental for young women, for instance, if they feel pressure to “prove their virginity” through sexual intercourse with a male partner, or pressured to practice anal sex to preserve their virginity ( Harrison, 2008 ).
Some aspects of cultural practices related to sexuality, such as non-penetrative sex or the intergenerational instruction of young people in sexual matters by their elders, could have positive implications for HIV prevention if adapted to the needs of contemporary youth. This is of particular importance within the African context, where discussions about sexuality with young people are generally a taboo topic and occur only within a very specific context. Exploration and re-negotiation by young people are needed regarding the positive and negative aspects of cultural norms and practices, as many of them are strongly influenced by the societal values that promote them. Community concerns about sexuality education need to be considered, and ways in which these concerns can be accommodated should be explored through greater community involvement in youth programs. The development of indigenous institutions by communities to provide culturally sensitive sex counselling/education services for adolescent girls in Uganda have yielded success ( Muyinda et al ., 2004 ), and should be explored within the southern African context. In addition, the combination of both traditional services and modern health and sexual education can provide a bridge between tradition and modern institutions (Muyinda, 2004). However, the incorporation of indigenous institutions in sexual counselling and education for youth requires careful planning and thoughtful processes to ensure that cultural practices and traditions that increase young people's vulnerability to HIV infection are not reinforced.
Sepali Guruge , ... Meineka Kulasinghe , in Preventing Domestic Homicides , 2020
This case illustrates the intersectionality of a range of factors at the micro-, meso-, and macrolevels of a person’s country of origin and their new country that created unique and heightened risk of, and vulnerability to, DH.
The idea that premarital sex reduces a woman’s prospects of finding a suitable partner is rooted in the patriarchal belief that virginity is associated with sexual premarital purity and family honor. Where such beliefs are prevalent, premarital sex, even with the prospective husband, will bring disgrace to the whole family ( Hunjan & Towson, 2007 ).
There was a major age difference between the couple (~20 years). Dr. Liyanage was 29 years old when she met Dr. Athukorala (average age at first marriage in Sri Lanka was 23 years) ( United Nations, Department of Economic, & Social Affairs, Population Division, 2013 ). Dr. Liyanage reportedly felt obligated to marry him to save face for the family, avoid scandal, and not become a burden.
Dr. Liyanage was unable to seek help for various reasons noted earlier including the severity, frequency, and types of abuse she experienced, which created extreme shame and helplessness. Her mother-in-law also contributed to this sense of shame by accusing Dr. Liyanage of being a disobedient wife. Even though Dr. Liyanage was highly educated and spoke English fluently, she faced significant barriers to seeking help.
As a new immigrant in a small city, Dr. Liyanage experienced geographic and social isolation especially in the context of Dr. Athukorala’s monitoring of her activities in and outside the home. Reportedly Dr. Athukorala had forced Dr. Liyanage to sever her ties with her parents and family in Sri Lanka prior to migration.
Dr. Athukorala intimidated Dr. Liyanage in various ways, and when she tried to leave him, he coerced her to return using threats against her and her family, including reportedly threatening to share sexual videos. Dr. Athukorala also controlled her finances.
Dr. Athukorala began abusing Dr. Liyanage when they were still in Sri Lanka, and the severity and frequency of this abuse increased over time.
Dr. Athukorala was not happy with his colleagues, whereas Dr. Liyanage felt accepted and loved at work. There was evidence that the abuse had direct impact on her work and workplace. Reportedly the hospital staff did not see any signs of DV, even when her husband called her workplace on her behalf to report absence from work.
Dr. Liyanage’s informal support was both a risk factor and a protective factor. She was separated from her family and her supportive friends who lived in Sri Lanka. Her mother-in-law attributed her son’s abusive behavior to Dr. Liyanage being a disobedient wife. It is not clear what informal support she had in Australia. (See Chapter 10 : Domestic violence and homicide in the workplace, for more information on DV and the workplace).
Dr. Liyanage was not connected to any DV services and there were no known disclosures of abuse to anyone in Australia.
Dr. Liyanage felt unable to seek help from formal support due to her distrust in the legal system’s ability to protect her in Australia and her family in Sri Lanka. This is a common factor for immigrant women who fear for the safety of their families, especially when/where police in the pre- and/or postmigration contexts cannot be trusted and/or women victims of DV are not given adequate protection.
This case highlights how applying an intersectionality lens informs the exploration of aforementioned risks. Lack of awareness of the signs of DV or attributing signs of DV to cultural practices creates a huge missed opportunity in the workplace; for some women their workplace may be the only place where they may be able to obtain support to deal with DV.
Martin A. Finkel DO , Mark V. Sapp MD , in Child Abuse and Neglect , 2011
“I did not have sex” can mean different things to different people. 67 As adolescents grapple with the emotionally charged issue of virginity , their definition of “not having sex” could be misinterpreted. For some adolescents, they can engage in various sexual acts such as oral or anal sex and still consider themselves to be abstinent. A survey of 1101 college students found that anal intercourse, oral sex, and stimulating a partner to orgasm where all behaviors that could be defined as abstinent behaviors. 68 Those individuals who engage in a spectrum of sexual acts short of vaginal intercourse consider themselves to be “technical virgins.” When adolescents deny having sex, the clinician should ask them what that means. When an adolescent says they are “not sexually active,” they might be saying they have not had penile-vaginal intercourse. Clinicians should take a sexual history that specifically addresses genital touching, oral sex, and anal sex in a nonjudgmental way. 69 The clinician can then provide anticipatory guidance and answer adolescents’ questions and concerns. When adolescents see their physician as a resource rather than a source of information for their parents, they will be more likely to engage in a dialogue. Adolescents should also be asked about high-risk behaviors, such as multiple sexual partners, and alcohol and substance abuse, and about sexual victimization, intimate partner violence, eating disorders, depression, suicidal ideation, and self-mutilation or cutting. These can all be signs of psychological trauma. 70
Patricia F. Walker , in Immigrant Medicine , 2007
Even though there has been a decrease in overall cancer death rates in the US, immigrant minorities continue to experience disproportionately higher cancer incidence and mortality rates. In one detailed New York City study by Gany et al. of attitudes, knowledge, and health seeking behaviors of five immigrant communities (Haitian, English-speaking Caribbean, Latino, Korean, and Chinese) in the screening and prevention of cancer, health seeking behaviors and the degree to which cultural, linguistic, and systematic barriers impacted behaviors were addressed. 81 The authors concluded that while there were many similarities across immigrant groups, there were also significant variations between groups, and tailored community-based approaches were necessary. Misinformation was observed among all groups, and warranted the development of culturally competent programs for cancer control with immigrant minorities.
Knowledge of risk factors for cancer, as well as knowledge regarding the efficacy of screening tools, is lacking in many immigrant communities. In a 2001 study by Scarinci et al. from Birmingham, Alabama, low-income Latina immigrants displayed significantly less knowledge regarding cervical cancer than non-Latina women. 82 Culturally based knowledge and beliefs regarding cervical cancer and screening were felt to influence obtaining a Pap smear in this population. In a study of immigrant Chinese women in Seattle, despite known high rates of invasive cervical cancer, there were low rates of cervical cancer screening. Twenty-four percent had never had a Pap smear and only 60% had recent screening. 83 In this same study, factors independently associated with cervical cancer screening were marital status, housing type, and age at immigration. A British Columbia study in 2004 revealed the average knowledge level about cervical cancer risks was low in Chinese-Canadian women, especially among those with less education and who received their usual care from a male doctor. 82 Importantly, knowledge of these risk factors was shown to influence Pap screening behavior. Physicians should spend the extra time which may be needed in order to educate immigrant women regarding preventive health services.
‘As for preventive healthcare, they never went for Pap smears or mammograms because no doctor told them they needed these services.'
Conclusion from a focus group of older
Matin and LeBaron conducted focus groups for unmarried Muslim women in San Francisco. 84 Many immigrant Muslim women have low rates of healthcare utilization, especially preventive care such as breast examinations, mammograms, and cervical cancer screening. Religious and cultural values were found to significantly affect healthcare behavior in this study. Themes which emerged included: Muslim values of virginity and bodily privacy are in conflict with standards of American healthcare; family involvement in healthcare is a means to protect against standards of care which threaten Muslim values; and there are unmet needs for ac
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