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You have full access to this open access article. As an important gateway to Europe, the Port of Rotterdam is known for its high-quality facilities and efficiency, but also attracts organised crime groups who use the transatlantic legal trade flows to traffic cocaine. Based on a qualitative study, consisting of 73 interviews with public and private actors, an analysis of 10 criminal investigations and field visits to public and private organisations in the port, this article examines how organised crime groups involved in cocaine trafficking take advantage of or adapt to the socio-spatial relations in the Port of Rotterdam. First, we pay attention to which physical spaces in the port of Rotterdam provide opportunities for cocaine trafficking. Second, we examine how the occupational and legal environment in which people, private companies and law enforcement agencies in the port work and interact provide opportunities for cocaine trafficking. Our findings demonstrate that increased security measures by both public and private actors directed at physical spaces result in a displacement to new spaces in and around the port of Rotterdam. Furthermore, the current socio-spatial relations in the port of Rotterdam also make the role of people on the inside — referring to a whole range of public and private employees — increasingly indispensable. With a total throughput of The port of Rotterdam owes its competitive position to a range of factors, including its unlimited access for deep-draft vessels, good accessibility via water, rail and road, high-quality port infrastructure and efficient handling of containers and bulk goods Port of Rotterdam : 10; Van der Horst et al. In , a record total of Previous research has shown that the port of Rotterdam plays a central role in international drug trafficking with OCG taking advantage of its geographical and infrastructural conditions see, among others, Farrell ; Fijnaut et al. The Netherlands lends itself for transit crime because of its logistical infrastructure Kleemans et al. First, we take a literal reading in referring to the opportunities for cocaine trafficking provided by physical spaces in the port of Rotterdam. We will argue that increased security measures by both public and private actors directed at physical doors result in a displacement to new spaces in and around the port of Rotterdam. Furthermore, we will argue that the current socio-spatial relations in the port of Rotterdam imply that OCG redirect their attention to a whole range of public and private employees making port employees at-risk for corruption and violence. This article proceeds as follows. First, we provide an overview of the literature on the relation between OC and spaces and flows in ports. Second, we outline the methods used in the study. In our third section we discuss our empirical results by illustrating, on the one hand, the opportunities for cocaine smuggling provided by physical spaces in the port of Rotterdam and, on the other hand, the increased importance of people within these spaces to successfully import cocaine. The discussion reflects on the implications of our findings for both future research on organised crime and for public and private policies addressing OC in seaports. Transnational flows of people and goods have transformed ports to important sites for, amongst other things, human smuggling and illegal drug trafficking Staring et al. However, as Calderoni : — notes, there is some debate on how OCG have dealt with these transnational flows. Castells : , for instance, has argued that criminal organizations have benefitted from the increasingly global market and the technological developments in communication and transportation. Similarly, Shelley : notes a globalization of crime and an international expansion by OCG. A mere focus on the transnational dimension of OCG risks discounting the importance of the local context in which OCG operate Hobbs and Dunnighan In criminology, the concept of embeddedness is used to signal that OC interacts with and depends on its local and social surroundings Van de Bunt et al. Seaports are considered examples of places where OC can be structurally embedded, but existing studies have only offered a peripheral glance at the ways in which ports impact OC and activities of OCG. In reference to international drug trafficking, structural embeddedness highlights how ports constitute hubs for legal trade flows that produce opportunities for the illicit drug trade to flourish Eski : ; Eski : 2. When global licit and illicit flows connect in seaports, specific occupations, professional contacts and the work environment can serve as a breeding ground for criminal activities Kleemans and Van de Bunt ; Mars In ports, these interfaces between legality and illegality — between OCG and legitimate occupations and businesses - can take many forms Passas In some cases, OCG hide the contraband among legal products and harm the legal trader in the process, oftentimes making the products unfit for consumption e. In other examples, the relationships are cooperative with the trader or shipping agent knowingly facilitating the trafficking and thus involving corruption. However, as Kleemans : 47 notes, corruption is not a prerequisite for these transit crimes. A previous study on drug trafficking in the Netherland, based on an analysis of 15 Dutch cocaine trafficking cases from the late s and early s, illustrated that corrupting custom officials was deemed unnecessary to successfully import cocaine because the chances of getting caught red-handed were low Kleemans et al. Moreover, Zaitch : , in his ethnographic study on Colombian cocaine traffickers, also found that most smuggling strategies of Colombian related cases were geared towards evading controls in ports and did not involve corruption of Dutch customs or police. However, times seem to have changed. A recent analysis of 16 Dutch drug trafficking cases via Schiphol airport or the port of Rotterdam indicated that corruption was frequently used by OCG to neutralise security checks Madarie and Kruisbergen : In recent years, several high-profile corruption cases happened at the respective customs departments of the ports of Rotterdam Eski and Buijt Our literature overview indicates that seaports facilitate flows of illicit goods because of their logistical infrastructure and strategic location on major migratory and trade routes, thus making them ideal spaces for criminal groups to operate in Ruggiero : This results in the embeddedness of both criminal activities and OCG in these spaces Fijnaut et al. Apart from some notable exceptions Eski ; Easton ; Sergi a , b , ports have remained understudied as the central locality of empirical research on OC. Therefore, by drawing on a qualitative study on cocaine trafficking in the port of Rotterdam, we aim to contribute to an improved understanding of how the dynamics of global licit and illicit flows impact local spaces, occupations, criminal activities, and crime control policies. Our analysis uses a qualitative methodology which combines different methods of data gathering. We started with an extensive review of academic literature, statistics, policy papers and media reports. Second, 75 individual and 3 group interviews Footnote 2 were conducted with representatives of public sector organizations, as well as representatives of private companies that have a direct relationship with the port of Rotterdam. Most of the interviews took place in the Netherlands, but we also interviewed representatives of public and private sector organizations during visits to Antwerp and Hamburg as well as via videoconferencing with key informants in Latin America. In addition, we visited various public authorities and private companies in the ports of Rotterdam, Antwerp and Hamburg and attended meetings and training sessions of relevance to the control of drug trafficking and other crimes in the port. These working visits and observations occurred between January and March and allowed gaining insights into the actual working methods and situational differences of different actors. Third, we were granted permission by the Dutch Public Prosecution Service to study criminal investigations into the trafficking of cocaine in the port of Rotterdam. In absence of a central registry, a snowball method based on a consultation of experts working at the police and the Public Prosecution Service led to a selection of 10 cases with a wide range of smuggling methods modus operandi and partnerships. These investigations occurred between and More recent cases were excluded because trial was pending. These police investigations contain a wealth of information — sometimes thousands of pages per case - because of the use of special investigative methods, such as wired taps, IP taps, and interrogations. An analytical framework was used to systematize the data-analysis. The cases are listed in Table 1. Because of possible recognizability and traceability of suspects, companies or specific locations, the criminal investigations bear a fictitious name and some elements of our description are presented at an aggregated level. Using these different methods provided us with complementary perspectives about cocaine trafficking in the port of Rotterdam. The police investigations shed light on the spaces used by OCG to import cocaine, whereas the interviews and observations provided insight into the lived experience of policing cocaine trafficking in the port of Rotterdam. After familiarization with the empirical data, two researchers started with reviewing the data and assigning initial thematic codes based on the conceptual framework and research questions across the dataset in Atlas. During this deductive process, they discussed and realigned their interpretation and use of codes with other members of the research team. The two initial coders then continued the analysis by an inductive open coding strategy, identifying the underlying and new themes that came out of the data. To ensure consistency within each theme and across the dataset and thereby increasing reliability of the analysis, this last coding strategy was also reviewed by the research team Miles and Huberman : 59— From a small medieval city at the mouth of the river Maas, Rotterdam has transformed into a global city, with its development inextricably linked to the development of the port Eski : 28— To answer to the growing need for large-scale modernized terminals and port facilities with excellent access to sea, road and rail transport and minimal pollution for nearby residential areas, the port of Rotterdam expanded westward to the sea with the development of the areas Europoort and Maasvlakte I and II Aarts et al. This is visible in Map 1 : Port of Rotterdam. Most of the container terminals left the original city ports for state-of-the-art facilities at the deep-water quays of the Maasvlakte. Consequently, the port of Rotterdam has two faces: the historically developed ports close to the city centre and the modern ports on the Maasvlakte. In this section, we examine how organised crime groups involved in cocaine trafficking take advantage of or adapt to the socio-spatial relations in the Port of Rotterdam. We analyse how structural embeddedness plays a role Van de Bunt et al. First, we focus on which physical spaces provide opportunities for cocaine trafficking. Second, we emphasise the importance of access to these spaces and to information by way of people on the inside. In an area scan by the Rotterdam Seaport Police 26 and during our interviews it was noted that the rip-off method and the method of hiding cocaine in the frame or engine compartment of reefer containers were popular methods. Recently, also the empty depots and fruit and vegetables \[warehouses\] could be added to that list. The choice of smuggling method determines which spaces in the port of Rotterdam are confronted with cocaine trafficking. First, fruit terminals and warehouses — predominantly located in the Rotterdam city ports, particularly the Merwehaven and Vierhavens areas — are contemporary spaces that provide opportunities for cocaine trafficking. Fruit is often used to smuggle drugs, hidden within the pallets, boxes or fruit itself. One of the police investigations illustrates this:. An investigation has shown that four boxes have a lighter weight compared to the bill of lading and about 40 kilograms of bananas are missing. Burglars enter these fruit warehouses to secure the drugs, often rendering some of the product unfit for consumption. However, the problems with cocaine trafficking via fruit import also extend beyond the port itself, reaching terminals and warehouses in the hinterland after the drugs have successfully passed through the port. Second, the so-called empty depots are important spaces that provide opportunities for cocaine trafficking. Empty depots store used containers and provide container cleaning and repair services. The 22 container depots in and around the port of Rotterdam cover over ha. Our respondents indicate that empty depots are increasingly used by OCG to secure cocaine from the frames of containers:. You also have one in Waalhaven. Every time we are there, we find new holes in the fences and tools to demolish entire containers. Not too long ago, we arrested a lot of people there and things got so heated that a colleague had to draw his firearm. We arrested someone who is a well-known \[picker\]. Footnote 3 R In general, the security measures at these empty depots are limited, in some cases even absent. Most operate only during the day, leaving the locations practically empty at night. Or as a manager of a container depot explained:. It is open. It is an open area, because we store empty containers. Once there is a load, it will still be closed ground. Everyone can get on and off the depot. This specific container depot has recently moved to a location on a container terminal and is therefore also subject to both ISPS and AEO regulations. The terminal has three piers, each meters long. Generally, sea-bound vessels from South and Central America arrive at company A on Friday after which the containers are transferred to the reefer stack on one of the piers. During the weekends, the reefer containers remain at the terminal because road transports starts on Monday after AM. The reefer stack is almost immediately adjacent to the empty depot of company B, separated only by a fence and a roadway. Regularly, intruders cut holes in this fence in order to get into the stack and remove cocaine from the reefers. Whereas the terminals in the city ports offer specific opportunities for OCG because these sites are located near the city centre, the Maasvlakte appeals to cocaine smugglers because it offers a certain level of anonymity and an ideal escape route via the A15 motorway. However, in contrast to the container sites in the city ports, the daily container volume handled at Maasvlakte terminals is significantly higher, resulting in long stacks of almost three kilometres. Moreover, as the following case illustrates, the way these container terminals work provides additional challenges for OCG using the rip-off modus operandi:. For safety reasons, it is strictly forbidden to walk or drive in a car in this area. Container stack D can be reached after passing the carrier area, but for safety reasons only reefer mechanics can enter stack D. In general, the container terminals on the Maasvlakte have implemented more and better crime prevention measures through environmental design compared to the container terminals in the city ports. These container terminals, represented by their security officers, also share information on cases and security measures in the six-weekly meetings of the Information Sharing Centre, Footnote 7 a private-public cooperation which also brings the Seaport Police and Customs around the table. Another substantial difference between the city ports and the terminals on the Maasvlakte II is the automation of logistical processes. However, the automatized terminals might create new vulnerabilities for hacking by criminal organizations. Leukfeldt et al. Although respondents raised it as a potential opportunity, Footnote 8 we did not encounter hacking of business processes in the case files nor were concrete cases of hacking to facilitate drug trafficking mentioned during the interviews. Knowledge about logistical processes in the port as well as familiarity with security measures at port sites are paramount for OCG to successfully make use of the opportunities provided by spaces such as terminals, empty-depots and warehouses in the port of Rotterdam. Because of break-ins, damaged fences and intruders in the stacks, many of these locations have sharpened their security measures, in an attempt to close these doors for OCG. However, OCG still manage to get a foot in the door, specifically by redirecting their focus to port employees. First, to keep unauthorized people out, many port sites have checks at the entrance gate. However, many people have legitimate reasons to access these ports: a wide range of employees of port companies, including but not limited to lashers, surveyors, stevedores, straddle carrier drivers, technicians, and truck drivers, as well as different government agencies and semi-public actors, like the boatsmen and pilots. Most are granted access with personalised, sometimes biometrical, access cards. For OCG, as different respondents noted, these access cards are a sought-after commodity, estimating their value between 5. In the Oakum police investigation, several local suspects actively searched for port employees or people with port access cards within their social networks such as the Rotterdam neighbourhoods they grew up or resided in. The core members of the criminal network paid these port employees about 8. Furthermore, they also used other ways to enter the gated terminals:. The sites are connected by a so-called internal lane, solely intended for commercial vehicles and so-called container trains. This internal lane has barriers to prevent access from the public road. This internal lane provides access to the business site of the \[container terminal\] but also gets you close to the container stack. These company cars may only be used by shift leaders and their superiors. They have two seats in the front and a cargo box without windows in the back. Additionally, members of OCG wear clothing of port employees, including reflective vests, safety helmets and overalls with logos of the companies. Aware of these practices, a maritime pilot told us that he burns his company clothing instead of throwing them out in the trash after they are replaced with new ones. Often, entering these locations by means of access cards, forged vehicles or clothing alone does not guarantee that OCG will be successful in securing the cocaine. Because of the size of the Maasvlakte sites, locating a container with a specific number is searching for the proverbial needle in a haystack. Many port employees have access to the specific number and location of containers during its handling. In the container logistics sector, it is seen as a customer service that containers can be followed via a track and trace system — even down to the level of the row and height in the stacks. For some occupations in the port, this potential access to stack information and additional knowledge about the logistics process, constitutes an important vulnerability, as one of our respondents noted:. As a result, you also have that very large group that could be vulnerable and that often also means that many of those employees at a terminal actually fall into this at-risk group, right? Earlier studies on drug trafficking in the port of Rotterdam already illustrated that a substantial numbers of actors in the supply chain — including planners, shippers, drivers, freight forwarders, and different employees who process documents e. For OCG, this information is very valuable and something they actively pursue. Transport company employees who were interviewed, disclosed that they had been approached by OCG, either for the theft of cargo or for locating drugs. During the interviews, our respondents noted that in virtually every case of drug trafficking in the port of Rotterdam, they came across corruption by employees of either public or private port organisations. Similarly, there was an indication of corruption in all the police investigations we studied, either passively by passing on information about the whereabouts of ships or containers or, more actively, by lending out their access cards or otherwise facilitating access. In the Mizzenmast case, one of the suspects actively searches for contacts in a fruit import company, whereas in the Weatherly case several fruit companies play an essential role in the narcotics trafficking although it remains unclear whether these companies or their employees were knowingly involved. Case Scuttlebutt makes clear how essential the knowledge, contacts and expertise of these facilitators are: an employee of a fruit import company attempts to smuggle narcotics from Central America by using existing trade lines to the Netherlands. Furthermore, the Mizzenmast case illustrates that port employees have vital insights into how to bypass site security or government supervision, as is indicated by the following wiretapped conversation between an employee of a container terminal E and a suspect F :. E: Yes, yes, yes, soon there will be mobile scans on the site that you have to pass. The trucks must go through, everything that enters the site must go through. Based on frequent contacts with port employees, either in person or by phone, the suspect was kept informed about the construction of scans, but also about the specific container handling procedures at different terminals. The Fiddly case offers an example of a port employee who plays an even more active role to make sure cocaine passes through the port of Rotterdam. As a planner working at a large container terminal in the Maasvlakte, this port employee was informed about upcoming inspections by the custom department. One day, the planner receives an e-mail about a planned rip-off inspection taking place, including an overview of the specific containers that will be checked. During the police investigation, it became clear that the planner used his personal account to move a specific container to a different stack, outside of the area with containers selected for customs control. However, this manoeuvre by the planner did not prevent the inspection by the custom department, it just delayed the process. During the check, kg of cocaine were found in the container that was relocated by the planner. A similar but this time public sector port employee featured in the Weatherly case: a customs officer, working as a selector at the pre-arrival department. As the human factor in the container selection process, the customs officer was able to influence which containers should be checked and in what manner: either on paper, by scan or by way of a physical inspection. Moreover, because of his occupation, the main suspect had insights into the risk profiles that underlie the selection process of the customs department, information he allegedly shared with OCG. These examples illustrate that corruption of port employees is essential for OCG, especially to reopen or bypass closed physical doors or to use the spaces to get a foot in the door in the port of Rotterdam. In some of the cases we studied, we see OCG and port employees cooperating with the latter financially profiting from their involvement. However, our respondents also mentioned the use of violence and intimidation towards port employees. Although this use of violence was often mentioned during our interviews and during the training sessions for private port employees we attended, we only came across one threat of violence in one of the police investigations we studied. In the Dodger case, one of the main suspects claimed that he cooperated with an OCG by giving information about the port company he worked for because he was threatened at gun point. In this article, we examined the spatiality of cocaine trafficking in the port of Rotterdam. Although cocaine traffickers ride along with the legal trade flows, their choices of routes and locations to enter ports are dependent on the supervision and the control in the overall port area as well as in specific locations within the ports cf. Sergi b : 13— These port companies are specific examples of places where OC is structurally embedded, both in terms of the location and situational conditions and in terms of the occupations that frequent these spaces Van de Bunt et al. We demonstrated that these three spaces go hand in hand with specific modus operandi of hiding narcotics within fruit, fruit boxes or pallets fruit warehouses , hiding in walls, ceilings or floors of containers or engine compartments of reefers empty depots and rip-off container terminals. Other research methods, for instance interviewing active, convicted or former cocaine traffickers, could shed light on opportunities provided by other physical locations. Although situational measures attempt to take away opportunities for drug trafficking, not all vulnerabilities and opportunities for drug trafficking in the port of Rotterdam can adequately be addressed. Raising barriers for one spatial opportunity, therefore, might lead to OCG trying to get a foot in the door in other parts of the port in Rotterdam. A wide range of port employees have physical access to port sites, an understanding of the intricacies of port logistics, as well as detailed knowledge about container numbers and locations and security measures and supervision. In all the police investigations we studied, port employees, working either for port companies or government agencies, were involved in cocaine trafficking. As we illustrated, these examples include port employees actively assisting OCG by bypassing security checks or relocating containers, but we also came across more passive ways of facilitating OCG by, for instance, providing information or access cards. Public and private organizations in the port of Rotterdam have raised barriers for drugs trafficking by means of increased supervision and automation of the logistics process, but this has also made it more difficult for OCG to import cocaine without having a foot in the door in these same organizations. Future research should further scrutinize these relationships between OCG and port employees, in addition to shedding more light on the ways in which port employees get involved with and approached by OCG. Finally, global trade flows undoubtedly impact cocaine traffickers on a macro level, but our analysis shows how there are variations in opportunities within and between physical locations in local ports depending on the private security measures or the public supervision, or the absence thereof. Areas in the port of Rotterdam which are located closer to the city face different challenges regarding cocaine trafficking than port areas on the Maasvlakte. This is a result of a combination of the physical lay-out of the port area, its proximity to the city, the type of economic activity and the security measures that are in place. Hence, the prevention and control of cocaine trafficking requires a tailored approach based on this combination of factors. Besides, we mentioned that security officers of container terminals, Seaport Police and Customs meet in the Information Sharing Centre. This public-private network allowed coordinating security measures at the terminals but might have resulted in smugglers choosing other modus operandi to secure their cocaine and thus targeting other port facilities, later in the logistical process i. Therefore, alignment between different areas within the same port can avoid that increased security measures in one port space result in increased cocaine trafficking in another. However, these dynamics of displacement are not limited to the port of Rotterdam. With opportunities to successfully import cocaine into the port of Rotterdam changing because of situational crime prevention measures, other harbours in the vicinity, like the port of Antwerp De Middeleer et al. Equally, increased security measures in other European ports might impact the import of cocaine in Rotterdam. This implies that communication between ports about security measures - even when they compete for maritime-based trade — can foster better coordination of prevention and control policies for drug trafficking. Alignment between port security policies within and between ports can avoid a fragmented perspective and an unlevel playing field which play into the hands of OCG Sergi a. However, the extent to which this alignment can be achieved depends on how economic and security interests are weighed. Efforts to close doors through improved physical and digital security measures as well as attention for screening, awareness and resilience of public and private port employees puts pressure on the efficiency of the logistical process while answering to societal expectations of increased engagement with security in ports. To guarantee the confidentiality of the interviews, each respondent received a code and a general reference to the employing organization or company. We refrained from mentioning the function or work experience of the respondent, unless their anonymity was not at stake and the quotation could gain in significance. For the sake of readability, some quotes have been shortened and linguistically improved without, of course, compromising on meaning. Most were translated from Dutch to English, some from German to English. 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All authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection and analysis were performed by all authors. The first draft and the revised version of the manuscript was prepared by Robby Roks and Lieselot Bisschop. Richard Staring provided feedback on both draft and revised versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Correspondence to Lieselot Bisschop. This study involved gaining access to confidential criminal justice data about drug crime in the Port of Rotterdam and involved human participants. The research design included several measures to guarantee the confidentiality, approval and secure data management of this study. First, the researchers received permission from the Minister of Justice and Security to access criminal justice information. Under article 15 jo. In addition, this permission was extended by letter on 2 May for the use of police data. A certificate of conduct is a document on behalf of the Dutch Minister of Legal Protection declaring that the applicant has not been convicted for any crime registered in the Dutch Criminal Records System or police files that is relevant to the performance of his or her duties. Footnote 9. Footnote Third, this research was supervised by an advisory commission of experts from practice and chaired by an academic specialist in the field of organized crime Prof. Hans Nelen Maastricht University. This committee provided regular feedback on methodological issues as well as preliminary results during the research. Members of this committee also screened the final manuscript on anonymity and confidentiality of the respondents before publication. Fourth, in order to exchange confidential documents between the researchers and the public authorities working in the harbour, the Regional Information and Expertise Center RIEC made a FileShare server available in which all registered parties involved in the research team and the supervisory committee could log in with a password and an additional code sent by text message to upload and download files. To this end, the university applies the principles of privacy by design and privacy by default in the research design. An end-to-end encrypted and ISO certified data vault was used for the research. In this data vault, the researchers work safely together with the highest data classification, similar to what the Dutch Intelligence Service AIVD uses. In the data vault, researchers have access to a wide range of extensive file protection and encryption, logging and monitoring of usage and controlled access. The results of the analysis of our observations, documents and interviews were only reported confidentially and at an aggregated level, without disclosing the name of our respondents. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. Reprints and permissions. Roks, R. Getting a foot in the door. Spaces of cocaine trafficking in the Port of Rotterdam.. Trends Organ Crim 24 , — Download citation. Accepted : 16 September Published : 07 October Issue Date : June Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Spaces of cocaine trafficking in the Port of Rotterdam. Trends in Organized Crime Aims and scope Submit manuscript. Download PDF. Abstract As an important gateway to Europe, the Port of Rotterdam is known for its high-quality facilities and efficiency, but also attracts organised crime groups who use the transatlantic legal trade flows to traffic cocaine. Cocaine trafficking from non-traditional ports: examining the cases of Argentina, Chile and Uruguay Article 04 January Use our pre-submission checklist Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript. Introduction With a total throughput of Methods Our analysis uses a qualitative methodology which combines different methods of data gathering. Table 1 Overview of cases Full size table. Research setting From a small medieval city at the mouth of the river Maas, Rotterdam has transformed into a global city, with its development inextricably linked to the development of the port Eski : 28— Map 1. Full size image. Results In this section, we examine how organised crime groups involved in cocaine trafficking take advantage of or adapt to the socio-spatial relations in the Port of Rotterdam. F: Seriously? Discussion In this article, we examined the spatiality of cocaine trafficking in the port of Rotterdam. TEU or ft equivalent unit describes the capacity of containers and vessels. References Aarts, M. Accessed 5 Oct Andreas P Illicit globalization: myths, misconceptions, and historical lessons. Accessed 5 Oct Robertson, R. London: Sage Ruggiero, V. View author publications. Ethics declarations Conflict of interest The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interests. Confidentiality, ethics approval and secure research data management This study involved gaining access to confidential criminal justice data about drug crime in the Port of Rotterdam and involved human participants. Footnote 10 Third, this research was supervised by an advisory commission of experts from practice and chaired by an academic specialist in the field of organized crime Prof. About this article. Cite this article Roks, R. Copy to clipboard. Search Search by keyword or author Search. Navigation Find a journal Publish with us Track your research.
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