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Закладки наркотики в Демиде

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Наркотики - это не 'переходный возраст' или дурная привычка, которые могут со временем сами пройти. Если не лечиться, то химическая зависимость.

Закладки наркотики в Демиде

Sarah Wolff argues that an EU exit will not necessarily lead to a stronger national democracy. Those terms are certainly true and the current challenge to the EU is without precedent. The Eurozone crisis is a litmus test for European solidarity, while the distance between EU institutions and European citizens has never been so acute. Above all, the speech was needed to respond domestically to the rampant Euroscepticism across the Channel. Yet, this announcement hides a profound malaise among European democracies - to which Britain is no exception. Like many other European countries, Britain is affected by a global distrust towards representative democracy. In fact, PM Cameron should be thanked for threatening to withdraw from the EU and by the same token calling for a UK-wide debate on the crisis of democracy at home and in the EU. Ironically, the UK could play the role of pioneer for other European countries suffering from the same sickness. Nonetheless, this requires leadership and guts from British parliamentarians and civil society to frame the terms of the debate beyond the electoral short-termism of PM Cameron and the Labour Opposition. Facing such a historical decision, the British public sphere needs to perform a proper health-check of British democracy. This wishful thinking for a special deal at half-price in Europe is misleading for two reasons. First, while the delegation of some competences to EU institutions has in some instances been detrimental to the British Parliament, the root of the problem lies in an overwhelmingly strong British executive. Second, British Houses of Parliament have actually gained some power over the scrutiny of the executive thanks to the EU! Power flowing back to already strengthened European Governments? While power has been devolved to the EU, European heads of state and governments keep a firm grip on policy-making. The UK has not been immune either, and it played a pioneer role under Tony Blair by concentrating power in the hands of Number 10 in two key ways. First, the British executive, like many others in Europe, has used EU affairs to gain power in the name of presenting a strategic and coherent position in Brussels. Overall this has exacerbated asymmetries of powers between Number 10 and the administration. Another instance of this over-centralisation was epitomized by the war in Iraq when the executive ignored the Houses of Parliament and public demonstrations. Second, by delegating the regulation of public policies to agencies and other quangos, the UK government found a handy way to outsourcing accountability while preserving its central power. It allowed them to externalise costs to external entities, to outsource public expenditures, while ensuring that its commitment to a public policy remained credible. If anything goes wrong the executive can easily blame it on those expert bodies. This is exactly what happened during the summer of with the row between Home Secretary Theresa May and the UK Border Agency for relaxing border controls. This necessarily constitutes a source of frustration for parliaments when they want to scrutinise European executives. A second reason for not buying the argument of powers coming back to national parliaments is precisely that European integration has helped them to gain powers over strong executives. The scrutiny committee of the Danish Folketing controls the mandate of the government on EU affairs on every single bill discussed in Brussels. In the UK, European integration has been instrumental for the Houses of Parliament in holding the executive accountable. European integration has considerably transformed the way national parliamentswork and adapt in a multi-level governance environment. Yet, the power of national parliaments over EU affairs is far from satisfactory. There are still very few plenary debates on EU issues in national parliaments, and not all parliaments have put in place tight control over the executive like the Dutch Tweede Kamer or the Danish Folkesting. What I am suggesting though is that instead of always blaming the EU, it is time to reconsider democracy at home and to strengthen the asymmetries of power between the Houses and the executive. My argument is not to deny the existence of a democratic deficit in Europe. Rather, I believe that it is misleading to affirm power will flow back to parliaments when the latter have used Europe as a pawn on the domestic chess game. Once out of Europe, to whom will the power go back and how? While of course a lot of water will flow under the bridge until , the Brexit scenario should act as a wake-up call for British politicians. So far, like other European politicians, they have been extremely skilful in blaming it all on the EU. A serious and careful reframing of the debate is needed. There is a good chance that the debate until will give rise to considerable domestic manipulation by and between the Conservatives and UKIP but also by the Labour party. Short-term electoral considerations will trump historical wisdom, hiding the need for a serious debate on the crisis of democracy in the UK and in Europe. The EU has introduced a multi-level governance dimension that challenges the terms of traditional representative democracy. Those alternative voices need to be heard. Deliberative democracy as advocated by Fishkin should be structured around accurate information and a diversity of positions, with conscientious arguments by the public considered equally. There is no silver bullet to this kind ofdeliberation, but I believe that a first step would be more not less Europe, with a European Parliament electing the President of the Commission. Instead of asking British people whether they should stay or leave the EU, it would be wiser to ask them what kind of Europe they want and how do they want to anchor their own democracy to it. Who will make the tabloid headlines? Possibly the most risky strategy is to continue to blame it on the EU and to avoid a meaningful interrogation of British democracy. This is not only true for the UK, but has echos and parallels for countries throughout Europe. The original version of this article can be found on OpenDemocracy. Filter by. Search results for:. Netherlands institute of international relations Clingendael. Clingendael 7. EU Forum. Social Europe. Support for the EU. EU Integration. The need for stronger Parliaments A second reason for not buying the argument of powers coming back to national parliaments is precisely that European integration has helped them to gain powers over strong executives. The need to deliberate on democracy in the UK and Europe My argument is not to deny the existence of a democratic deficit in Europe. The products and services that we offer range from trend analyses that are part of our Clingendael Strategic Monitor, to high-quality in-depth analyses, scenario-building, horizon scanning and alerts specifically geared to your organisation. Sarah Wolff. Stay updated Subscribe to our weekly news letter.

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Наркотики - это не 'переходный возраст' или дурная привычка, которые могут со временем сами пройти. Если не лечиться, то химическая зависимость.

Клиа отказалась от 13 групповых тест-карт на наркотики, мет, кокаин, Демид Есимханов. Продолжительность анальгезии не.

of an 'audience democracy' which consecrates the reign of political communication and the demise of traditional representative democracy.

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