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Journal List HHS Author Manuscripts PMC3439130

Cult Health Sex. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2013 Aug 1.
The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Cult Health Sex
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Keywords: Adolescent, Young men, first sexual intercourse, African American
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There are limited contextual data regarding first sexual experiences of younger adolescent men. Yet these data that are needed to inform STI and early fatherhood prevention efforts, particularly in lower income communities. Using qualitative methods, 14 adolescent men (ages 14–16, all low income, most African American) from a mid-sized U.S. city were asked about relationships and sexual experiences in a one hour face-to-face semi-structured interview, with two follow-up interviews at 6–9 month intervals. Story-telling was encouraged. Descriptions of first sex were identified, and then analysed for narrative structure and shared concepts. The dominant narrative of first sex proceeded through three steps: (1) Preparation, which involved identification of a sexualised space, mentoring by an older man, and pre-planning; (2) the event, which involved looking for cues indicating sexual interest and consent from a female partner, feelings of fear/nervousness, and first sex itself; and (3) afterwards, which involved a return to prior activities, minimal verbal exchange and a general positive feeling, sometimes accompanied by later disappointment. Mentorship, initiation by the female, and idealising sex as a romantic experience, played important roles in constructing the context of first sex. These factors should be incorporated in harm-reduction interventions for young men in similar contexts.
First sexual experiences are considered particularly salient by both adolescents and researchers ( Lewin 1982 ; Cooksey, Mott and Neubauer 2002 ; Rebello and Gomes 2009 ) ( Traeen and Kvalem 1996 ) ( Holland et al. 2000 ). While detailed descriptions of young women’s first sexual experiences are available (see, for example, Thompson (1990) or Tolman and colleagues (2003) ) much less is known about adolescent boys.
Existing data provide a demographic portrait of adolescent boys’ early sexual behaviours. Studies have examined individual factors such as ethnicity, school record, career ambition and substance abuse, family factors such as parental living arrangement, maternal education, parental communication and parental involvement; and peer factors such as peer pressure and relationship status ( Mott et al. 1996 ; Sieving, McNeely and Blum 2000 ; Eyre, Davis and Peacock 2001 ; Hawes, Wellings and Stephenson 2010 ). In a U.S. nationally representative study of 15–19 year old men, sexual experience was common (43% report ever having sex), but sexual activity in the last month was less so (14%); contraceptive use was also relatively common (87% reported some type of contraception at first sex, primarily condoms or a combination of another method and condoms) ( Abma, Martinez and Copen 2010 ). Even though these studies describe contributing factors, they are not able to capture immediate context, motivation, and perceptions of early sexual experiences.
Yet available data suggest that these contexts, motivations and perceptions are important to sexual health prevention. Similar to very young women, experiences of coercion, wantedness and regret appear to be salient to young men’s very early sexual experiences. While first sex for U.S. adolescent men was not frequently unwanted (5% reported unwanted sexual behaviours), many had mixed feelings, with 34% reporting that “part of me wanted it to happen at the time and part of me didn’t” ( Abma, Martinez and Copen 2010 ). In a British national survey, only 8% of young men reporting first intercourse between 18 and 24 years of age expressed regret, whereas 42% reporting very early first sexual intercourse (13–14 years) wished they waited longer ( Wellings et al. 2001 ). Relationship contexts, such as whether the partner is known are additionally important. In a U.S. school-based study, young men who reported higher levels of caring, feelings of enmeshment and love were more likely to report sexual intercourse; those with higher levels of self-disclosure were more likely to have intercourse within a relationship (as opposed to a casual partner) ( Giordano, Manning and Longmore 2010 ).
Individual and contextual influences on sex vary markedly from early through late adolescence. For example, the above British national survey described changes in sexual competence, operationalised as use of protection, consensuality, not under the influence of alcohol or peer pressure, and absence of regret, from early to middle adolescence; they found that 67% young men who reported first intercourse at 13–14 years as not ready, as compared to 38% by 17 years of age ( Wellings et al. 2001 ). A more detailed understanding of the early sexual experiences of younger adolescent men is needed to inform STI and early fatherhood prevention efforts for this age group.
Qualitative studies can provide insights into some of these contexts, perceptions and motivations that are not apparent in surveys. An example is Eyre and colleague’s work, in which African American 11 th and 12 th graders perceived sex as a set of interrelated games (Eyre et al. 1998). It is not clear, however, that younger men hold similar views. A retrospective study in which older adolescents looked back on first sex, male participants described feeling anxious, but generally perceived their sexual experience to be an empowering process by which their identity of masculinity is formed ( Holland et al. 2000 ).
Much of the existing qualitative research focuses on sexually experienced mid-to late-adolescents. These qualitative studies have looked at the sexual messages that young men may receive from their dating partner ( Morgan and Zurbriggen 2007 ), sequences of emotional and sexual progression in a relationship ( Upadhyay, Hindin and Gultiano 2006 ), and the influence of close friends in conceptualising and socially constructing sexual roles and behaviours (Harper et al. 2004b). These studies highlight issues related to sexual communication. For example, our own work on condom use by younger adolescent boys demonstrated that communication about condoms was primarily non-verbal ( Rosenberger et al. 2010 ). Less is known about younger men’s first sexual experiences.
Narratives are one way to better understand complex behaviours, and have been used to understand young woman’s first sexual experiences (see, for example Holland and colleagues (2000) and Thompson (1990) ), adolescents’ construction of their identity ( McLean 2005 ), and young men’s experiences of masculinity ( Holland et al. 2000 ). Narrative approaches build on adolescents’ natural tendency to tell stories, and can give insights into decision-making and contextual influences that have not been previously considered ( Robinson et al. 1998 ). An examination of how boys construct their stories of first sexual experiences can also provide insight into how they view themselves as partners and sexual agents. The purpose of this analysis was to examine narratives of first sex among young boys recruited from an urban area with high rates of early sexual onset and STIs.
Participants included fourteen 14–16 years old, who provided a narrative of their first ever sexual experience. Participants were recruited from a primary care clinic serving residents of low-income neighborhoods in Indianapolis, and were part of a larger longitudinal qualitative study of boys’ relationship development and STI risk. The age range was chosen because a majority of the young men in these neighbourhoods become sexually experienced by the age of 16. Most participants (over 85%) were African American, and the remainder white of European descent, reflecting the demographic makeup of the clinic and surrounding community. Each man provided written consent and parents provided written permission. The study was approved by the institutional review board of Indiana University.
Young men completed a brief structured questionnaire on sexual behaviour and a 1 hour face-to-face semi structured interview. Two follow-up interviews were conducted with each study participant at 6 months and 9 months from baseline. This strategy helped to reduce recall bias. All interviews were conducted by the same male interviewer and participants were reimbursed US$20 per interview.
The interview covered the boys’ relationship and sexual experiences, and participants were asked open-ended questions, such as: “What are your thoughts and feelings about relationships and sex” “Tell me about when you had sex: How did it happen? Where were you at? What happened?” “How did you feel after having sex?” In order to maximise detail and accuracy, participants were initially asked about their most recent sexual event, and then asked about prior sexual events. When participants mentioned their first ever sexual experiences, the interviewer asked them to elaborate on the context in which first sex occurred. The interviewer listened for shared content and meaning and asked participants to explain or elaborate on responses to these questions. Accounts of first ever sex were verified and further discussed in subsequent interviews.
Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed and analysed for similarities and differences in first ever sexual experiences. Our analysis drew from both narrative approaches and grounded theory ( Strauss and Corbin 1998 , McLean 2005 , Floersch et al. 2010 ). First, all sections of interviews where first ever sex was mentioned were identified and selected. We note that all of the participants’ self-identified first ever sexual experiences consisted of consensual heterosexual penetrative vaginal sex. Excerpts were read as a story, and we identified a common narrative structure. Within each narrative element, we then looked for shared concepts, or themes. Examples of shared concepts included pre-planning, mentoring, sexual spaces, and returning to previous activities. For each of these shared concepts, we developed a list of properties and dimensions. Similar concepts were collapsed and differences resolved by discussion. The identified “dominant narrative” and key concepts were then tested against subsequently read interviews. Exceptions were identified and analysed.
Of the 14 accounts of first sex, 10 reported first sex before the study started, and 4 reported first sex during the study. Across participants, we observed a single dominant narrative in accounts of first sex (see figure 1 ). This dominant narrative included three main parts: preparation, the sexual event, and the afterwards.
Adolescent Boys Experience of First Sex
Despite the fact that all participants described their first sexual experience as “unexpected” or said that it “just happened”, all except one described elements of preparation. The first element of preparation was the identification or creation of a sexual space. A sexual space is a point in time at a particular location in which an individual creates an opportunity and expectation that sex could happen (
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