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Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The production, transport, storage and sale of goods that are fraudulently mislabeled or fraudulent imitations of registered brands. The illicit transport, handling and sale of excise consumer goods despite a ban or outside a legal market. Excludes oil and counterfeits. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Organized crime that results in a monetary loss via financial fraud, embezzlement, misuse of funds, tax evasion and abusive tax avoidance. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. Human trafficking is a widespread issue in Iran, primarily involving sex trafficking, forced labour and the recruitment of child soldiers. The country is situated along one of the main human trafficking routes in the region, with young women being trafficked from Asia into Europe and the Gulf. Iranians are also trafficked to countries in the Gulf and Caucasus, as well as to Iraqi Kurdistan. Domestic trafficking is mainly an issue in larger cities such as Tehran, Shiraz and Tabriz, where organ and blood trafficking contribute to the pervasiveness and profitability of this criminal market. Millions of child labourers are estimated to be working in Iran, but due to the country's lack of transparency on the issue, especially on trafficked women and girls, accurate statistics are hard to find. Since the onset of the pandemic, the Iranian population has significantly increased its use and reliance on technology and social media platforms, thereby providing criminal groups with more opportunities to exploit vulnerable people through online channels. The human smuggling market is also pervasive in Iran. The crisis in neighbouring Afghanistan has further driven the demand for irregular migration, increasing fees and boosting financial incentives for smuggling groups. Arms trafficking is a key element of Iran's regional geopolitical strategy. The country is a major supplier of conventional weapons to countries in Western Asia, as well as North Africa and Russia. Many non-state actors in the region also use Iranian arms, ammunition and drones, and Tehran's support contributes to military capacities in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, Yemen, the Palestinian territories and Somalia. There have also been allegations that military equipment and drones are being transferred to Russia to be used in the war in Ukraine. While Iranian involvement in the arms trafficking market is propelling the proliferation of illicit arms sales across Western Asia, the country's domestic illicit arms market is relatively small, largely due to strict gun control laws and low firearms possession rates. A relatively minor market is found in the Baluchistan and Sistan provinces and western Iran. Iran has sizable markets for counterfeit and excisable goods. During the global pandemic, the country saw an increase in fake medicines and medical supplies and, as a result, Iran has become one of the primary transit points for counterfeit pharmaceutical products entering the EU. Most illicit trade into and out of the country occurs through official ports and border crossings, many of which are controlled by the IRGC, leading to accusations of its complicity in smuggling operations. While flora and fauna crimes are present in Iran, they are comparably smaller than other illicit markets in the country. Iran's natural geography includes a diverse range of ecosystems, making it vulnerable to a wide variety of flora crimes. Deforestation in the country is mainly caused by illegal logging and wood smuggling, encroachment on forests, exploitation of natural resources and coal mining. The critically endangered Iranian maple tree is only found in Iran's Hyrcanian forest and is threatened by illicit logging, agriculture and climate change. The pandemic has boosted the traditional medicine industry in Iran, leading to an increased demand for plant species used in alternative treatments. Orchid tubers are illegally collected and exported to neighbouring countries or to South Asia for use in traditional drinks and medicines. Home to several rare species, Iran also offers an attractive market for wildlife crime. In particular, sheep and ram subspecies are poached for meat or to be used as trophies, especially in the Masjed mountain range in Yazd province. Afghan-sourced species also transit Iran before onward travel to the Caucasus, Syria and Iraq. Iran has one of the world's largest oil reserves, and the country's oil exports have increased in recent years despite Western sanctions. Iranian oil supplies are reportedly shipped in large quantities through international waters using Dubai-based tankers, and are primarily destined for Oman, Yemen, Somalia and China. Illicit oil flows also occur on a small scale, leading to some socio-economic and environmental challenges in the country, including the destruction of wildlife and biodiversity, water pollution, degradation of critical farmland, public health concerns and the prolongation of armed conflicts. Fuel smuggling occurs largely in the border regions, especially in Baluchistan and Kurdistan, where smugglers transport Iranian oil and subsidized fuel to neighbouring countries and reap high profit margins. It is estimated that millions of litres of fuel are smuggled out of the country each day. This is allegedly facilitated by corruption among border personnel, including the IRGC. Iran accounts for a large share of heroin seizures worldwide, much of which is sourced from Afghanistan and destined for Turkey, the EU, the Gulf region and beyond. Iran is among the cheapest places in the world to buy heroin, contributing to the country having one the highest addiction rates worldwide. The heroin trade is associated with violence and has resulted in multiple clashes between Iranian border guards and traffickers over the past years. Sanctions have been placed on high ranking IRGC commanders for their alleged involvement in the heroin trade in Sistan-e-Baluchistan. As the second most consumed drug in the country, cannabis is widespread in Iran, and there is relative tolerance towards the drug compared to other narcotics. The cannabis trade has significantly grown over the past decade, resulting in large-scale domestic cultivation fields throughout the country, while small-scale production is believed take place in Tehran. Cannabis resin is also imported from Afghanistan. Iran continues to be a source, transit and destination country for methamphetamine. In recent years, increased methamphetamine production in neighbouring Afghanistan has affected Iran, with low-cost competition leading to an influx of cheaper Afghan methamphetamine into the country. These developments have contributed to the surge in methamphetamine use in Iran over the past few years. Moreover, while the synthetic drug Captagon is spreading across the region, the role of this drug within Iran remains unclear. Iran is known for its strong offensive cyber capabilities, with state-embedded criminal actors believed to be particularly active in conducting cyber-dependent crimes. The increasing reliance on digital platforms in Iran and other countries during the COVID pandemic has created a conducive environment for cybercriminals to exploit. These crimes target both national and foreign private and public sectors, including political dissent, activists, journalists, entities, critical infrastructure and organizations. In recent years, Iranian actors have been increasingly targeting government entities in countries like the US and Israel, as well as in the EU and the Gulf. Iranian actors reportedly collaborate with criminal groups in Russia and North Korea, learning new cyber-attack techniques from one another and constantly adapting their tactics. There has been a particular increase in ransomware attacks by Iranian-backed actors. Financial crime is a pervasive issue in Iran, with economic fraud, misuse of funds, embezzlement and large-scale tax evasion being the most common types of financial crimes in the country. The number of corruption and embezzlement cases in the country has tripled in recent years. The majority of these cases involve either government employees or people appointed to managerial positions at state-run economic entities, exemplified by the presence of bonyads - untaxable and opaque organizations. These bonyads have reportedly diverted trillions of dollars in public funds into the bank accounts of political elites, leading clerics and other prominent Iranians. In addition, phishing has emerged as a growing issue in Iran, with fake text messages impersonating government services and entities being used to scam unsuspecting victims. Tens of thousands of Iranians have fallen prey to these scams, costing them up to thousands of dollars each. The rise in phishing attacks has been linked to the increasing use of mobile phones and the internet, as well as a lack of awareness among the population about how to protect themselves from financial crime. Criminal activities in Iran are mainly carried out by state-embedded actors and criminal networks. In particular, the IRGC allegedly has enduring ties with criminal and terrorist organizations both within and outside the country. State-embedded actors in Iran are believed to be involved in the trafficking of people and drugs, including cocaine, heroin and synthetic drugs, as well as oil smuggling and other non-renewable resource crimes. It is unclear whether state actors are involved in human smuggling or cannabis trafficking, and there is little evidence to suggest that they control flora or fauna crimes. The line between the sale of arms by the state and arms trafficking has also been blurred in recent years. The criminal networks that operate within the country are primarily based in Tehran, as well as in the eastern and western provinces. These networks usually specialize in one or two illicit markets. Some small criminal networks collaborate with similar networks outside Iran to smuggle and traffic people and goods. Loose criminal networks involved in areas such as human trafficking or drugs may have connections to foreign networks. The level of violence perpetrated by these networks varies depending on the illegal activity they are involved in, with heroin trafficking being the most violent. Even though there is less evidence of significant-sized mafia-style groups operating in the country, mafia-like syndicates do exist in Iran and are mostly engaged in money laundering and financial crimes, among others. Iran's lack of a strong private sector and the dominance of state institutions, including the IRGC, is a major factor in driving the private sector towards illicit means of competition. These practices include tax evasion, involvement in the black market and bribery, among others. Ongoing Western sanctions against the country have further strengthened the private sector's illicit activities. The influence of foreign actors in Iran is generally kept to a minimum due to the country's opposition to foreign intervention. However, there are some examples of cross-border cooperation in the drug trade, with joint ventures between Iranian and Afghan partners, as well as smuggling activities in the Kurdish region. Iran has a governance system that is a mix of democratic and religious elements. However, the religious supreme leader has minimal checks and balances, and elected officials struggle to exercise leadership, which makes it difficult for the government to tackle issues such as corruption and organized crime. Anti-corruption efforts tend to be politicized and target opponents rather than addressing the root causes. The IRGC is thought to actively obstruct Tehran's attempts to combat organized crime, as it is reportedly complicit in certain criminal activities. In recent years, there has been growing support for moderate and reformist candidates, and uprisings and protests have emerged from traditionally pro-government communities, underscoring the regime's vulnerability. In , the government violently cracked down on protests, blocking internet access, pressuring media not to cover the protests, and arresting protesters and activists. Iran's cybercrime laws give the government full control over the internet, enabling it to enforce widespread censorship and surveillance, and systematically violating the Iranian people's rights to freely access information and freedom of expression. The government's ongoing efforts to implement strict online surveillance undermine transparency and accountability. Moreover, there have been increasing reports of nepotism, cronyism, corruption and embezzlement among members of parliament and councils throughout Iran. Iran's track record of engaging in international cooperation is limited, with few exceptions. While the country expressed its intention to increase international cooperation on extradition matters, concerns about persecution in the country have hampered such agreements. Furthermore, the government introduced a controversial so-called cyber protection bill in recent years, which is considered draconian and oppressive by human rights organizations. Additionally, Iran has strict drug laws that include the death penalty and prison sentences for people who use drugs in public. The country's laws to combat human trafficking have been widely criticized for being inadequate. The Iranian judicial system is characterized by duality, comprising the ordinary criminal courts and the Revolutionary Courts. However, there is a significant disparity between these two entities. While ordinary criminal court defendants have access to a lawyer and can appeal their cases, Revolutionary Court defendants do not have due process, are not entitled to legal counsel and are often executed without public notice. Most people become involved in the Iranian criminal justice system due to drug trafficking; over a third of all prisoners are incarcerated for drug-related offences. Prison standards in Iran are typically poor, with overcrowding a common issue. Prison officials have denied food and medical care to prisoners, and both physical and psychological torture is prevalent. Thousands of people convicted of drug-related crimes are on death row, and over the past year, Iran has had the highest execution rate in the world, including of children. Recent trials and subsequent sentences, including executions, handed down by the Iranian courts against protestors, demonstrate a concerning disregard for due process. These incidents further highlight the politicized nature of the judicial system in the country. While these entities engage in law enforcement activities, their focus tends to be on counterinsurgency. The country's law enforcement forces were leading players in the suppression of the widespread protests, and their ineffectiveness has been criticized. Corruption is widespread within law enforcement, and security services are often poorly equipped and trained. The lack of functioning equipment in law enforcement agencies has contributed to considerable setbacks in stemming the flow of drugs and tracking criminals throughout the country. Iran's borders are difficult to monitor due to their length and varied terrain. They are also home to armed opposition groups. Heroin and methamphetamine are smuggled into Afghanistan, Azerbaijan and Iraq by drug traffickers. The recent Taliban takeover of Afghanistan has raised concerns about the influx of irregular migrants, as well as fears of a potential resurgence of the Islamic State or a civil war in Afghanistan. Despite these challenges, Iran's territorial integrity remains relatively strong, and it is unlikely to change soon absent significant conflict. The country's deficiencies in fighting money laundering and terrorist financing have landed it on the FATF blacklist. Even though the country made efforts to address strategic deficiencies in its money laundering and terrorist financing systems by introducing new legislation, major strategic deficiencies persist. Iran's economy is heavily dependent on the Basij and the IRGC, which have significant control over the national economy. This can make it challenging for independent businesses to operate. The situation is compounded by corruption and criminal activity at the state level, as well as Western sanctions, which contribute to Iran's ongoing economic decline. The impact of the global pandemic has only worsened this situation, with the country being hit harder than any other country on the continent. As a result, over one-third of the population now lives below the poverty line. Although the government typically releases five-year economic planning documents, it has not made these public since the imposition of sanctions. The Iranian government does not have a cohesive or strategic approach to crime prevention. However, in recent years, the government has shifted its approach to treating drug addiction from punitive measures to a more pragmatic, health-based approach. Drop-in centres and clinics now offer harm reduction services and medical treatment to drug users, including women. The country also has a witness protection programme, but it lacks a policy and practice to protect victims and crime witnesses; international NGOs are not allowed to provide assistance in such instances. Arbitrary arrests of tribunal witnesses and their families based on undefined national security threats have occurred, leading to witnesses concealing their identities during public hearings by wearing masks, sunglasses and headscarves. There are a number of social activities aimed at reducing the incidence of crime, though their effectiveness is questionable. The main form of crime prevention in Iran remains deterrence through rather harsh punishments. The state heavily censors Iran's media, bans social media and undertakes efforts to curb the flow of information from outside the country. Although the space for civil society and media is heavily restricted, civil society organizations have been very active, particularly in drug policy and carrying out prevention programmes. There is no meaningful freedom of assembly in Iran, and authorities have been heavy-handed in their crackdown on protests criticizing the government or other sensitive subjects. Non-state actors also played a role in the protests that began in September The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Capital Tehran. Income group Lower middle income. Population 87,, Geography type Coastal. GINI Index Criminal markets 7. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 8. Human smuggling 8. Extortion and protection racketeering 4. Arms trafficking 9. Trade in counterfeit goods 7. Illicit trade in excisable goods 8. Flora crimes 4. Fauna crimes 4. Non-renewable resource crimes 9. Heroin trade 9. Cocaine trade 5. Cannabis trade 6. Synthetic drug trade 9. Cyber-dependent crimes 8. Financial crimes 9. Criminal actors 6. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 5. Criminal networks 7. State-embedded actors 9. Foreign actors 6. Private sector actors 5. Political leadership and governance 2. Government transparency and accountability 2. International cooperation 4. National policies and laws 4. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 3. Law enforcement 3. Territorial integrity 5. Anti-money laundering 2. Economic regulatory capacity 2. Victim and witness support 3. Prevention 3. Non-state actors 2. Analysis Download full profile english. People Human trafficking is a widespread issue in Iran, primarily involving sex trafficking, forced labour and the recruitment of child soldiers. Trade Arms trafficking is a key element of Iran's regional geopolitical strategy. Environment While flora and fauna crimes are present in Iran, they are comparably smaller than other illicit markets in the country. Cyber Crimes Iran is known for its strong offensive cyber capabilities, with state-embedded criminal actors believed to be particularly active in conducting cyber-dependent crimes. Financial Crimes Financial crime is a pervasive issue in Iran, with economic fraud, misuse of funds, embezzlement and large-scale tax evasion being the most common types of financial crimes in the country. Criminal Actors Criminal activities in Iran are mainly carried out by state-embedded actors and criminal networks. Leadership and governance Iran has a governance system that is a mix of democratic and religious elements. Criminal justice and security The Iranian judicial system is characterized by duality, comprising the ordinary criminal courts and the Revolutionary Courts. Economic and financial environment The country's deficiencies in fighting money laundering and terrorist financing have landed it on the FATF blacklist. Civil society and social protection The Iranian government does not have a cohesive or strategic approach to crime prevention. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.

Iranian drug use survey in workplaces: A study protocol

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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Corresponding author: Dr Mahin Ahmadi Pishkuhi, mahin. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution NonCommercial 3. Background: Addiction is a serious concern in workplaces, as it can lead to accidents, absenteeism, and loss of productivity, neglect, delay, arguing, unhappiness, production cuts, and irregular working pattern. This national survey was conducted to assess the prevalence and pattern of drug use among employees of industrial environments in Iran. Methods: In this cross sectional study, the sample size was determined to be using multistage cluster sampling method during November and November Data were collected by trained interviewers using a structured questionnaire developed by the research team. Urine drug test was done for participants using laboratory rapid kits. A total of 13 questionnaires were completed with remarkable responsiveness such that only 1. Results: The response rate to the questionnaires was Many participants who had positive urine test did not express drug use and positive tests were more than self-reported cases. Compared to information about the pattern of drug use, data on the estimated prevalence of drug use was more reliable. Conclusion: This study presents the protocol of a well-designed national survey, including sampling procedure, appropriate instrument and test, field work, and discussion on the strengths and limitations of the study, and thus its results can be used effectively by policymakers. Identifying the prevalence of psychotropic substances and drug use in workplaces can be effective for political directors to develop preventive and treatment programs. Also, it can be used as a pattern for designing other surveys with similar aims at the national level. Drug addiction is considered as one of the global crises of the third millennium, and drug use is one of the most important problems of humans which exposes the family and friends of the drug addicts to its devastating effects 1 , 2. At the same time, addiction causes social hazards, such as the increased risks of divorce, increment in marriage age, and capital reduction 3. In Iran, similar to other countries, the number of drug users is increasing and the age of onset of drug use is reducing 4. There are about 3 million injected drug users in the country, most of whom are HIV-infected, which is one of the negative indices in the country 5. The prevalence surveys in Iran indicate that possibly 8. The global phenomenon of increasing prevalence of drug use in industrial environments is accounted as a serious hazard, as workers have an important role in development of the economy in communities and as drug depresses labor productivity, increases absenteeism, work accidents, and injuries 8. However, the observed bias and selection bias were not controlled in the survey. Political directors should have sufficient knowledge about the magnitude of problem of addiction in the community workplaces to plan for intervention, design, and development of drug prevention and treatment programs. Nevertheless, access to accurate statistics and information in this area was still difficult due to the inconsistency among references and researches about the prevalence of drug use 10 , National survey of drug use and addiction among employees of Iran industrial centers was performed by the Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare and Office of Research and Training Center for Combating drug. Iranian drug use in workplaces survey IDUWS was conducted to determine the regions with most prevalent use of drugs and psychoactive substances. Also, prevalence estimation and patterns of drug use in each area were assessed. The protocol of the investigation was described as an appropriate structural model for Iran. Estimating the prevalence of psychotropic substances and drug use according to usage pattern in 1 week, 1 month, and 1 year ago, and the age of first use among employees of the industrial centers in Iran. Determining the high-risk areas of drug consumption in the country based on drug and psychotropic substances type among the staffs of industrialized centers. Evaluating drug use and psychoactive substances based on demographic characteristics, the consumption pattern of first use, type of drug, frequency of consumption, present consumption patterns, drug injection, smoking, alcohol consumption, withdrawal, treatment, arrest, and imprisonment history. National Survey of Drug Addiction Prevalence in the Workplace of Iran was a descriptive cross sectional survey that was conducted during November and November in 2 phases. The first phase was collecting data through a self-reported questionnaire data collection through interviews by trained interviewers based on a structured questionnaire , and the second phase was verification with urine tests. The target population consisted of all employees of industrial centers in all provinces of the country. Then, the calculated sample size was multiplied by the design effect of 1. The number of samples was estimated 12 in this stage. Finally, the overall sample size was estimated to be 13 , and the sample size in each province was calculated in proportion to size based on the percentage of workers in each province Table 1. A list of workshops as sampling units was prepared and arranged according to the number of activists and was categorized based on the active population. The proportion of workers population in each category to the country's total worker population was calculated and attempted to be consistent with the percent of sample size in each group Table 2. Workshops with fewer than 10 active employees were excluded from the study because of the lack of information. Workshops with 10 to 50 active employees were studied. All participants were studied. Workshops with more than 50 active employees were classified into groups of workshops with 50 to 99 people, to , to , and more than Twenty workers were selected from the list of eligible people in each workshop using the table of random numbers and were studied. Sampling from workshops was done based on the list announced to the provinces. If it was not possible for any reason revocation of the workshop, displacement, and in case an address was not found, etc. Tofigh-Daru, a pharmaceutical company in Mashhad, was selected to implement the pilot phase. The Office of Research and Education of Headquarters for Combating Drugs had proposed the importance and necessity of this investigation and implemented this survey in partnership with Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare Ministry. Moreover, General Directors of Cooperatives, Labor and Social Welfare offices in the provinces were invited to the ministry and the necessity of performing this survey was explained to them. Then, the Offices of Cooperative, Labor, and Social Welfare were asked to select their interviewers in each province. Among the experts of the Labor Department who announced their willingness to participate in questioning, 37 male and 29 female interviewers were selected at the provincial level. The interviewers' selection criteria were as follow: being familiar with the research and questioning, and having work experience in the field of addiction. The interviewers were trained to discriminate between different drug types and to be acquainted with questioning protocol ie, sampling method according to the industrial environments and the names of the companies surveyed, the provincial sample size, and the guidelines for complementation of the questionnaires. The interviewers were also instructed to perform laboratory tests and complete the questionnaires. After checking for the completeness of the questionnaires, those interviewers who did not have enough precision in completing the forms were notified about the necessary comments over the phone Fig. At the end of the project, those provincial interviewers who had a good performance were admired and appreciated by the General Director of the Social Affairs from Ministry of Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare. The General Director of Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare Office in each province had mailed a letter to the managers of economic institutions to inform them about the project of drug use prevalence in workplaces, attracting interviewers' collaboration with researchers. The managers were supposed to inform their staff about the issue. The interviewers started with showing their inquiry cards to the employers of the workshops or industrial environments and presented a complete description about the project. Then, with the coordination of the employer, an approximately large hall or room beside the toilets was specified for interviews, and a safe place was determined to put urine samples. Participants were invited to the room in groups of 10 based on the random list that was set previously. Interviewers were cautious that the employer had not made a mistake in the random selection of the cases and had not selected only the addicted individuals. Before the interview, tea and other fluids were served for the interviewers, and all other staffs had to go out of the room at the time of the interview. Aims and the missions of this research were explained to each individual and they were notified about the significance of the results and respecting anonymity. Each individual was given a number from 1 to The same numbers were considered for questionnaires and disposable cups. Questioning was conducted with colleagues simultaneously based on guidelines. Then, participants were asked to do the urine test voluntarily. Urine tests for males was supervised by a male and those for females was observed by a female. Each sample test was transferred to a safe predicted place immediately. After completion of the sampling, all samples were assessed by 3 kits of hashish, methamphetamine, and morphine, and the results were written in the questionnaires. Those who had stress while doing the test and found it difficult to pass urine were asked to get some rest in the main room to relax. Doing the test was completely optional and those who refused to do the test were not obliged with force. Other research data on workplaces were accurately registered and reported ie, results of the periodic tests or the experiences of sending people who were suspected of addiction to the laboratory as well as the status of using drugs in the past 72 hours that could have affected morphine urine test. The Office of Research and Education of Headquarters for Combating Drugs had selected some observers for monitoring the process of the project implementation. The colleagues in the secretariat level 2 sent the reports of the project implementation to the first-level supervisors, with an ongoing reporting process. They also supervised the provincial interviewers who were reviewing and appraising the forms one by one after receiving the completed questionnaires sent by the provincial interviewers. Supervisors provided feedback to provincial representatives on how to fill out a questionnaire and perform laboratory tests in 2 stages:. A separate letter was prepared for each province and the weakness points and key notifications were sent via email. At the second stage, the remaining questionnaires were sent to the Secretariat and, according to the guidelines, interviewers also sent the final report of their experiences, including barriers to enter the workplace, sampling, completion of the questionnaires, the impact of their gender on interviewing, testing, transportation, and their promotional proposals. In the present study, 2 instruments were used to collect data: 1 self-reported questionnaires, 2 laboratory diagnostic kits for verification. Questionnaire: Objectives of the study were evaluated to design the instrument, and the national questionnaire was developed based on objectives of the survey. Pre-existing questionnaire of rapid assessment of drug use in Iran was selected as a framework to design the study questionnaire The first section of the questionnaire was related to demographic questions. Then, the consumption patterns were questioned. The first and common consumptions were questioned. Time and place of drug use was also asked. Substance use in the family, the injection history, and crime commitment background were also incorporated in the questionnaire and, at the end, treatment history and its methods were questioned. In addition, there were several questions on the status of using drugs 72 hours before the test that could affect the morphine urine test, including stomach medicines, such as ranitidine, cimetidine, famotidine, omeprazole, and narcotic drugs, including tramadol, codeine, and diphenoxylate. The final question of the test was related to the urine test results. The cases with lack of cooperation or those who did not do the urine test were also mentioned in the questionnaire. The primary version of the designed questionnaire was sent to the observers to assess its face and content validity, and their comments were applied in the questionnaires. Tofigh-Daru pharmaceutical factory in Mashhad was selected as a primary site to evaluate the validity and reliability of the questionnaire in the pilot phase. The Cronbach's alpha coefficient of the scales of the questionnaire ranged between 0. Also, to assess the reliability of the questionnaire, the test-retest method was used and the workers evaluated in the pilot phase were asked to recomplete the questionnaires after 2 weeks. The intraclass correlation coefficient ICC calculation showed that the domains had an acceptable reliability. Moreover, most of the questionnaire domains had good reliability, with kappa 0. Laboratory Kits: Rapid kits serial numbers MOP and THC were used for drug testing in this study, which have a relatively high sensitivity. In this method, glass, hashish, and its derivatives were traceable if being used up to 10 days prior to testing, and opium was recognizable if being used up to 4 days prior to testing, as these substances have high durability in the urine. Rapid kits can be used in an outpatient manner and results are immediately readable. Urine test comprised of dual-band of control and testing. The result was interpreted as positive if both bands were bold after testing and was interpreted as negative if just the control band was bold. The test was suspected if the control band was highlighted while the test band was lighter, and the test was not valid, if the control band did not get bold. The results of addiction urine tests were considered in 2 modes: optimistic and pessimistic. Provincial interviewers were trained for the ethical considerations at the beginning of the study and they provided written commitment to comply with the ethical considerations during interviews. In addition, a comprehensive and detailed questioning instruction about moral issues was delivered to interviewers. To protect anonymity and confidentiality of samples' private information, other personals were asked to leave the room during the interview session. Interviewees were asked to give oral consent to participate in the study. A number was assigned to each person, which was written on the questionnaire and urine samples instead of participants' names. To respect the individual's rights and convenience, tests for female participants were taken by a female and those for males was done by a male. Participation in the study was voluntary and free and those who refused to give urine tests were not coerced into testing. Drug users who admitted their addiction were referred to detoxification centers. All questionnaires were submitted to the secretariat of the project, and data were kept confidential. Study data were entered into the SPSS software and analyzed after reviewing for potential errors and ensuring data accuracy. Data analysis was performed by descriptive method. STATA software was used for the consolidated sample analysis to control possible bias due to different distribution of demographic characteristics of the participants. This potential bias was controlled by post stratification survey to ensure that the estimates obtained for each individual was considered as the representative of other Iranian workers in the same class. Table 3 shows the samples is in each stratum. Descriptive statistics, such as frequency tables, were reported. Cluster analysis was applied to report statistics at province level and the country was divided into risk zones to compensate for the low sample size and strengthen the statistics at each zone. The adjusted sample size for this survey was 13 , of them 1. Finally, 13 questionnaires were completed for the study participations, of which 13 In the initial assessment of the questionnaires, it was revealed that many workers who had positive urine test did not express using drugs. This prompted the research team to run a test in 1 stage in Mazandaran province. Interviewers in this province were asking more detailed questions from employees with positive urine tests. Unfortunately, the results were not satisfactory, and it seemed that drug users were afraid of admitting their addiction in their workplace. Thus, it was not possible to recomplete these questionnaires. Therefore, the results of this section were underestimated, and the information about the substance types consumed by addicted employees was less valuable. However, data on estimates of the drug use prevalence was more reliable. This study had several strengths. No other comprehensive study has been conducted in the country to examine the status of drug use in industrial environments. On the other hand, consumption trends in the industrial environment are not distinct from consumption trends in the society. Therefore, results of this study can be applied as a document for policymakers to design the needed interventions in the workplace and to decide on the needed measurements for the community. One of the positive features of this study was reliability of results on the prevalence of drug use, which was consistent with the obtained results of Asalouyeh 9. However, the present survey was implemented in a wider scale and at the national level. This study had also higher power in comparison with the study of Asalouyeh in better quality of measurement method, as in this study, urine test was used for verification of self-reported questionnaires. In addition, data collection was done with rigorous training and supervision of interviewers, and fieldwork was done with high standards. At least 20 meetings were held by the project executive and his colleagues to improve the quality of data collection. Therefore, unresponsiveness was minimized and This study had some limitations. First, those who were responding to the questionnaires, sometimes, did not express a history of drug use due to fear of job loss or did not honesty talk about their history of alcohol consumption for cultural reasons. Stomach drugs, such as ranitidine, cimetidine, famotidine, omeprazole, or drugs, such as tramadol, codeine, and diphenoxylate, may alter the results of urine tests for drug addiction if used up to 72 hours prior to testing. Some of the employees refused to do the urine test. Although the questionnaire results were negative in some cases, the urine test revealed positive results in the same people. In such situations, questioning was repeated, but these employees did not complete the questionnaires again. Hair analysis is suggested as a biological indicator for addiction in some studies that have been successful in correct identification of drug users. The problems mentioned above could be solved in case of using hair analysis 13 , but this method was not used in this study due to its high cost. There were also several other limitations at the beginning of the project, such as difficulty of the interviewers to enter workshops and coordinating with the employers. Moreover, most of the samples did not cooperate with the interviewers at first. These limitations were facilitated after sending a letter to employers and coordinating with the head of the workshop. The present report reviews the protocol and methodology of the national survey of prevalence of addiction in the country's industrial environments. The survey results are reliable because of the high response rate and the verification samples' statements in the questionnaire with the drug urine test. Interventions to reduce addiction in industrial environments can be cost-effective. Thus, the results of this national survey could be used for seeking support from authorities. Policymakers can apply the results of this study to plan for prevention of addiction in industrial environments by creating staff cooperative units. The authors acknowledge supports from Dr. Hooman Narenjiha, Dr. Iraj Ismaeeli, Dr. Farshid Alaedini, Dr. Hamid Sarrami, and Dr. Gholamreza Bostanmanesh. The authors would also like to thank provincial field interviewers as well as all the participants in the study. Iranian drug use survey in workplaces: A study protocol. Med J Islam Repub Iran. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Find articles by Behzad Damari. Find articles by Hossein Almadani. Find articles by Mahin Ahmadi Pishkuhi. Received Feb 10; Collection date Province Number of workers in each province percentage of number of workers in each province to total Percentage of sample size Sample size The adjusted sample size Percentage of the adjusted sample size East Azarbaijan 68, 5. Open in a new tab. Type of workshops Total number of workforces Sample size Number Percentage Number Percentage Workshops with employees , Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel. Total number of workforces. Sample size. Number of workshops. The status of the questionnaires. Not Analyzable.

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