Whores Of War

Whores Of War
Prostitution during the Vietnam War in photographs of the 1960s and 1970s
Home | Prostitution during the Vietnam War in photographs of the 1960s and 1970s
During the Vietnam War, a whole sex industry for American servicemen emerged. Moths gathered in bars where Americans often had fun and offered their services. After the war, about 50 thousand children of American-Vietnamese origin were born, who were mockingly called bui doi (translated as "the dirt of life").
Many Vietnamese women were forced into prostitution against their will, lured by promises of well-paid work while the country was torn apart by war. Of course, most women practically did not see money — they were taken away by pimps or owners of bars where American soldiers gathered. Sometimes women were injected with silicone so that their figures became more curvy and Americans felt "at home" with Asian women.
Vintage Everyday portal, specializing in historical collections, has published a series of photos in which girls working in bars appear in a natural environment for themselves.
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The practice of outsourcing and privatizing (using private companies for government work) has been long exploited by the CIA and the Pentagon, who use these mercenaries to fight their covert wars.

posted by Pogo at 19:50

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Even before the war in Iraq began March 20, the Bush administration was considering plans to help rebuild the country after fighting ceased. According to news reports in early March, the U.S. Agency for International Development secretly asked six U.S. companies to submit bids for a $900 million government contract to repair and reconstruct water systems, roads, bridges, schools and hospitals in Iraq.
The six companies -- Bechtel Group Inc., Fluor Corp., Halliburton Co. subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root, Louis Berger Group Inc., Parsons Corp. and Washington Group International Inc. -- contributed a combined $3.6 million in individual, PAC and soft money donations between 1999 and 2002, the Center reported on its news site, CapitalEye.org. Sixty-six percent of that total went to Republicans.
The bidding process has been criticized for including only a handful of companies, some with substantial political clout and none of which is based outside the United States. USAID officials said the recent invitations to bid on reconstruction contracts went to U.S. corporations for security reasons, and that foreign companies may compete for subcontracting work, Bloomberg News reports.
As the winners* of this and other contracts to rebuild Iraq are announced, we will post their campaign contributions -- large or small -- below. (Figures represent total contributions made between 1999 and 2002, and include PAC, soft money and individual contributions to federal candidates, party committees and leadership PACs.^)
The Contributions: $1,303,765 (59 percent to Republicans; 41 percent to Democrats) Total to President Bush: $6,250
The Contract: USAID awarded the largest of its postwar Iraq contracts to Bechtel Group Inc. April 17. The capital construction contract gives Bechtel an initial award of $34.6 million, but provides for funding of up to $680 million over 18 months subject to Congress’ approval. Bechtel’s primary activities under the contract will include rebuilding power generation facilities, electrical grids, water and sewage systems and airport facilities in Iraq. The company has said it plans to subcontract a number of these projects.The Company: Bechtel Group Inc., the San Francisco-based engineering company, has been in the construction business for more than 100 years and has completed close to 20,000 projects in 140 countries. The privately owned firm, which had revenues of $13.3 billion last year, has made a number of friends in Washington over the years. Former Secretary of State George Shultz, once Bechtel’s president, now serves on the company’s board of directors. USAID Administrator Andrew Natsios, who oversees the bidding process for postwar contracts, once headed the Boston-area “Big Dig” construction project, for which Bechtel was the primary contractor.
The Contributions: $708,770 (95 percent to Republicans) Total to President Bush: $17,677
The Contract: On March 25, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers awarded Halliburton Co. subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root the main contract to fight oil well fires and reconstruct oil fields in Iraq. The open-ended contract, which has no specified time or dollar limit, was given to the company without a bidding process. KBR has already announced it will subcontract the actual firefighting operations to Boots & Coots International Well Control Inc. and Wild Well Control Inc., both based in Houston.The Company: Halliburton Co., the Dallas-based oil field services giant that took in $12.5 billion in sales last year, is no stranger to government contracts. Kellogg, Brown & Root fought oil well fires in Kuwait and provided support services to U.S. forces in the Balkans in the 1990s. But Halliburton's ties to Washington have made it a target of criticism in the latest bidding process. Vice President Dick Cheney headed the company for five years before becoming George W. Bush's runningmate in 2000. Lawrence Eagleburger, former U.S. secretary of state under President George H. W. Bush, sits on the company's board.
The Contributions: $226,865 (72 percent to Republicans) Total to President Bush: $7,500
Computer Sciences Corp. (acquired DynCorp March 7)
The Contributions: $276,975 (74 percent to Republicans) Total to President Bush: $10,250
The Contract: The U.S. State Department awarded DynCorp, now a unit of Computer Sciences Corp., a multimillion-dollar contract April 18 to advise the Iraqi government on setting up effective law enforcement, judicial and correctional agencies. DynCorp will arrange for up to 1,000 U.S. civilian law enforcement experts to travel to Iraq to help locals "assess threats to public order" and mentor personnel at the municipal, provincial and national levels. The company will also provide any logistical or technical support necessary for this peacekeeping project. DynCorp estimates it could recoup up to $50 million for the first year of the contract.The Companies: Founded in 1946, DynCorp has long provided U.S. government agencies--particularly the Defense Department--with logistical and training support. Computer Sciences Corp. acquired DynCorp in March of this year for $950 million. CSC is one of the country's leading IT consulting firms and reported revenues of more than $11 billion in 2002.
The Contributions: $24,825 (77 percent to Republicans) Total to President Bush: $1,000
The Contract: USAID awarded Stevedoring Services of America a $4.8 million contract on March 24 for "assessment and management" of the Umm Qasr port in southeastern Iraq. The agency says the Seattle-based company will operate the port as it receives shipments of humanitarian and reconstruction materials and will research ways to improve port productivity for the long term.The Company: Stevedoring Services of America, the largest marine terminal operator in the United States, made an estimated $1 billion in sales last year. The family-owned and -operated company is a private venture.
The Contributions: $4,900 (100 percent to Democrats) Total to President Bush: $0
The Contract: USAID awarded Abt Associates a $10 million contract April 30 to help reform the Iraqi Ministry of Health and to deliver health services and medical equipment to Iraqis. Under the “Health System Strengthening Contract,” the firm will coordinate the training and recruiting of health staff and will provide health education to the general public. Abt will work in cooperation with UNICEF, the World Health Organization and other international organizations already on the ground in Iraq.The Company: Abt Associates, based in Cambridge, Mass., is one of the largest for-profit government and business research and consulting firms in the world. In the United States, Abt has completed social and economic policy consulting, surveys and clinical trials for organizations such as the Environmental Protection Agency and the Centers for Disease Control. About one-third of the company’s revenues come from international activities.
SkyLink Air and Logistic Support (USA) Inc.
The Contributions: $3,900 (74 percent to Republicans) Total to President Bush: $0
The Contract: USAID awarded SkyLink Air and Logistic Support (USA) Inc. an initial $2.5 million contract May 7 to help reopen and manage Iraq’s airports. SkyLink will oversee an international staff in its efforts to assess airport damage and get operations up and running. Ultimately, the company will turn over airport management to Iraqi staff.The Company: Washington, D.C.-based SkyLink Air and Logistic Support is a government contractor with experience in emergency relief, peacekeeping, humanitarian aid and development activities in more than 60 countries. SkyLink’s regular clients include the United States and United Nations, which often use the company in areas plagued by war or natural disasters.
The Contributions: $3,800 (61 percent to Democrats) Total to President Bush: $0
The Contract: USAID awarded International Resources Group a $7 million, 90-day contract Feb. 21 for the management of relief and rebuilding efforts in postwar Iraq. IRG will coordinate efforts across multiple sectors, including education, health, agriculture, civil society and infrastructure.The Company: International Resources Group is a Washington, D.C.-based professional services firm that manages complex environmental, energy and reconstruction situations for public and private sector clients. Founded in 1978, IRG has completed more than 600 projects, many of them for USAID.
Research Triangle Institute The Contributions: $3,491 (all to Democrats) Total to President Bush: $0
The Contract: USAID awarded Research Triangle Institute a $7.9 million contract April 11 to promote Iraqi civic participation in the reconstruction process. RTI will provide technical assistance and training programs in an effort to improve local administrators’ management skills and understanding of municipal services. RTI will also have the authority to grant contracts to Iraqi and foreign non-governmental organizations that will help train administrators and civilians in communication, conflict resolution, leadership and political analysis. Increasing political participation of “at-risk” groups-- including those that represent the interests of women, minorities and youth in Iraq—will be a top priority for RTI.
The Company: Research Triangle Institute is a non-profit organization based in Research Triangle Park, N.C. The group has worked in transitional regions for more than 20 years, and is a regular USAID contractor. RTI has completed governance work in South Africa, Indonesia and El Salvador and most recently won a $60 million USAID contract for educational development in Pakistan.
Creative Associates International Inc.
The Contributions: $2,000 (all to Democrats) Total to President Bush: $0
The Contract: USAID awarded Creative Associates International Inc. a $2 million one-year contract April 11 to address the “immediate educational needs” of Iraq’s primary and secondary schools. Short-term activities covered under the contract include training teachers, providing students with school supplies and developing testing methods to track student performance.
The Company: Creative Associates International Inc. is a private consulting firm based in Washington, D.C., that provides community development assistance to transitional regions. The firm, which has revenues of $35 million per year, has completed more than 400 contracts since its inception in 1979.
*This list does not include subcontractors. ^Figures are based on data released by the Federal Election Commission on April 28, 2003.

posted by Pogo at 00:56

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DYNCORP'S DRUG PROBLEM by Jason Vest
Could the State Department's antidrug contractors in South America possibly be dabbling in narcotics trafficking?
A key part of the US's $1.3 billion contribution to Plan Colombia--the scheme that will supposedly expedite the end of Colombia's civil war--calls for the use of private contractors (as opposed to actual US military assets) to fly airborne missions against both the fields that grow coca and poppy and the labs that process them. While some contractors, like Aviation Development Corporation of Montgomery, Alabama, fly surveillance missions for the CIA, those that fly on retainer for other US government agencies are a bit more expansive in their missions.
Consulting giant DynCorp's private pilots in the Andes fly everything from fixed-wing fumigation runs to helicopter-borne interdiction missions ferrying troops into hot spots. If you take DynCorp's word for it, any notion of the organization's being involved in drug trafficking is ludicrous. "Whether or not you believe this, we are a very ethical company," said a senior DynCorp official, who insisted on being quoted off the record. "We take steps to make sure the people we hire are ethical."
Yet the existence of a document that The Nation recently obtained (under the Freedom of Information Act) from the Drug Enforcement Administration--combined with the unwillingness of virtually any US or Colombian government agency to elaborate on the document--has some in Washington and elsewhere wondering if, like virtually every other entity charged with fighting the drug war, DynCorp might have a bad apple or two in its barrel. According to a monthly DEA intelligence report from last year, officers of Colombia's National Police force intercepted and opened, on May 12, 2000, a US-bound Federal Express package at Bogota's El Dorado International Airport. The parcel "contained two (2) small bottles of a thick liquid" that "had the same consistency as motor oil." The communiqu goes on to report that the liquid substance "tested positive for heroin" and that the "alleged heroin laced liquid weighed approximately 250 grams." (Freebase heroin, it bears noting, is soluble in motor oil, and can therefore be extracted without much trouble.)
But perhaps the most intriguing piece of information in the DEA document is the individual to whom it reports that the package belonged:an unnamed employee of DynCorp, who was sending the parcel to the company's Andean operations headquarters at Patrick Air Force Base, Florida. More interesting still is the reluctance of DynCorp and the government to provide substantial details in support of their contention that this situation isn't really what it seems.
According to DynCorp spokeswoman Janet Wineriter,the viscous liquid that the Colombians tested was not, in fact, laced with heroin; it was simply "oil samples of major aircraft components" that DynCorp technicians are required to take and send to the US "on a periodic basis." Explaining that the drug test was conducted "with apparently faulty equipment" that produced "an incorrect reading," Wineriter could not specify what testing procedures or equipment were used. She identified her source for the explanation as Charlene A. Wheeless, DynCorp's Vice President for Corporate Communications.
Unable to cite any source other than Wheeless ("I'm assuming when someone passes along this information that it's accurate"), Wineriter told The Nation to call the Colombian National Police and the State Department for further details. The State Department liaison with DynCorp did not return phone calls, and when the Colombian National Police in Bogota were contacted, an official informed The Nation that the CNP would not comment on the matter, referring all queries to the DEA. A DEA spokesman in Washington said the matter was not a DEA case, and referred calls to the US Embassy in Bogota.
It took six days for the embassy to produce a terse, 143-word response to The Nation's queries--a response that echoed, but did not mirror,DynCorp's account. The embassy did confirm that the vials of oil are "routinely shipped to DynCorp facilities at Patrick AFB for analysis related to proper maintenance" of aircraft, and confirmed that "several aircraft motor oil samples" were confiscated by Colombian police who used "NARCOTEX equipment [and] detected the presence of heroin in unspecified amounts." Unlike Dyncorp, the embassy did not blame the test results on a false positive caused by faulty equipment; what's odd is that the embassy has no idea what ultimately became of the seized oil. "The samples seized at the airport were sent to the CNP's Forensic Institute for further analysis, but the CNP did not subsequently pursue the matter with the U.S. Embassy or DynCorp personnel in Colombia," the embassy said, adding that the embassy has "asked the CNP to clarify the status of any investigation of this matter."
Many questions remain about the CNP interception of the DynCorp package in Bogota last year. While there's nothing unusual about sending aircraft oil samples to DynCorp's main base in the US, DynCorp's assertion thatpoorly calibrated drug testing equipment caused a false positive has experts scratching their heads--as does the US Embassy's description of the testing itself.
When asked to specify what, exactly, "NARCOTEX equipment" is and what testing methodologies it uses, an embassy official responded that he had "no idea." A veteran DEA agent said he had "never heard of anything called NARCOTEX," and after a hard round of research, staffers at the International Association of Chiefs of Police's Drug Recognition Experts Section told The Nation they couldn't find evidence of any drug testing technology with the name. And according to a number of scientists with backgrounds in chemical testing and opiate research, the information provided by DynCorp and the US Embassy in Bogota isn't nearly enough to ascertain independently just what was in those bottles seized by the Colombian police.
Peter Facchini, a University of Calgary biochemist and leading expert on opiates, notes that any number of several types of tests may or may not have been conducted, and without knowing specifics or lab protocols, it's impossible to render a scientific conclusion. But, he and others add,it's unlikely that any testing apparatus would errantly identify something as heroin in motor oil. Drug tests for coca and opiates look for the presence of alkaloids--and alkaloids, says Facchini, aren't naturally present in fuel oils. "I can't imagine any reason there should be even a trace of an alkaloid in aircraft oil or motor oil--that doesn't make any sense at all," he says.
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