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Armed servicemen of the Vietnam War used drugs more heavily than any previous generation of enlisted U. Problems are things we can get right on and solve. According to a report by the Department of Defense, 51 percent of the armed forces had smoked marijuana , 31 percent had used psychedelics, such as LSD , mescaline and psilocybin mushrooms, and an additional 28 percent had taken hard drugs , such as cocaine and heroin. Their military command also heavily prescribed pills to the troops under the auspices of improving performance. According to a report by the House Select Committee on Crime, the armed forces used million tablets of stimulants between and In addition to those amphetamines, which were used to boost endurance on long missions, sedatives were prescribed to help relieve anxiety and prevent mental breakdowns. It seemingly worked. In Vietnam, the rate of mental breakdowns in soldiers was 1 percent, a massive reduction from the Second World War 10 percent. Still, it was the use of illegal drugs—notably heroin and marijuana—that commanded the most media attention during the conflict. At first marijuana was tolerated by military command. That changed when John Steinbeck IV, a Vietnam soldier and son of the Nobel-prize winning author, wrote an article for Washingtonian magazine in January about the common use of marijuana among the troops, setting off a media firestorm. In response to the scrutiny, the Army began clamping down on marijuana usage, arresting roughly G. The unintended consequence: many G. According to a Pentagon study, by up to 20 percent of soldiers were habitual heroin users. By the time Richard Nixon became president, public opinion around the war in Vietnam was deeply divided. Democratic Senator Thomas J. Despite the rhetoric, military high command found scant evidence that drugs had adversely impacted the fighting. There was some public concern that habitually using soldiers would return from Vietnam and abuse drugs at home. Should a serviceman fail to pass his drug test, he was required to stay in the country for detoxification, only to be released back to the United States upon successfully testing clean. You can opt out at any time. You must be 16 years or older and a resident of the United States. Your Profile. Email Updates. Vietnam War Timeline. Sign Up.

Inside Vietnam’s lucrative drug dens

Vietnam buying MDMA pills

Harm Reduction Journal volume 19 , Article number: 45 Cite this article. Metrics details. The emergence of widespread amphetamine-type stimulants ATSs usage has created significant challenges for drug control and treatment policies in Southeast Asian countries. This study analyses the development of drug policies and examines current treatment program constraints in Vietnam to deal with ATS misuse. The aim was to gain insights that may be useful for national and international drug-related policy development and revision. A desk review of national policy documents and 22 in-depth key informant interviews were conducted from to Thematic content analysis was employed to identify key themes and their connections. This policy trend prevails in many Asian countries. The three main constraints in dealing with ATS misuse emerged from punitive and restrictive drug policies. First, the general public believed that Centre-based compulsory treatment CCT is the only appropriate treatment for all types of illicit drug addiction despite its low-quality service provision. The rigid drug policy has led to social persuasion with impractical expectations for CCT effectiveness. Second, the emphasis on punishment and detention has hampered new drug treatment service development in Vietnam. CCT has become monopolistic in the context of impoverished services. Third, people who use drugs tend to hide their needs and avoid formal treatment and support services, resulting in declined social coherence. While new drugs are constantly evolving, the current law enforcement approach potentially constrains expertise to adopt effective treatment services. This study suggests that the top-down policing mechanism presently hinders the development of an appropriate intervention strategy for ATS misuse and diminishes social support to service providers. Illicit drug usage patterns have changed significantly in recent years. The emergence of amphetamine-type stimulants ATSs in many countries is overtaking other drugs such as heroin, opium, and marijuana. The rapid increase is often attributed to the low purchase cost. According to a Government report, two-thirds of people who use drugs were dependent on heroin, Since then, usage trends and patterns in Vietnam have changed from traditional to synthetic drugs \[ 2 \]. There are diverse political perspectives on illicit drug misuse prevention and treatment. Drug management strategies range from harsh penalties to reducing supply, incarceration of people who use drugs, compulsory treatment programs, to health promotion to increase community awareness about the harms of ATS to health and society \[ 7 \]. Shi et al. Earlier research had focused on analysing the transition of drug policy in Vietnam and identified the need to reduce sanctions \[ 9 , 10 , 11 \]. This study aimed to supplement existing research by investigating the transformations of drug policies in Vietnam and focused on existing treatment program constraints to examine the appropriateness of the laws and policies in the new context of ATS misuse. This study combines desk reviews and key informant in-depth interview analysis. We conducted desk reviews of relevant published drug policy manuscripts and legislative documents to understand the development of drug policies addressing illicit drug prevention and treatment in general and ATS specifically in Vietnam. As a result, 25 relevant published manuscripts and 51 law and policy documents were included and analysed in full text in the Vietnamese language by two bilingual researchers. Key informants KIs in-depth interviews were conducted in two rounds to improve understanding of drug policy implementation and reveal constraints regarding contemporary management of ATS misuse nationally. KIs were selected purposely based on the sample frame of key agencies suggested by the Addiction Treatment Network members in Vietnam. The sample inclusion criteria were: 1 participants were drug control policymakers or treatment specialists who had worked for at least five years within areas responsible for substance abuse law, policies, prevention programs, and treatment in Vietnam. Collectively, these participants were deemed to have broad knowledge about drug policies in Vietnam and recent experience working with people who use ATS; 2 participants held managerial roles in governmental or non-governmental organisations responsible for developing and implementing legal documents or providing services to people who use drugs in Vietnam. Twenty-three persons identified as key informants were invited by phone and email, of whom 22 agreed to participate in face-to-face interviews that were conducted from December to May Conventional thematic content analysis was employed to analyse the data following the approach of Razavi et al. All documents and interview transcriptions were examined and then coded by the principal researcher with the support of NVIVO 12 software. To develop a systematic interpretation of the meaning of data, we cross-checked the legal documents, publications, and key informant interviews for consistency data triangulation. Two members of the research team validated the analysis results. We provided the KIs with the initial report in English and Vietnamese to gain feedback during the final report preparation. Critical feedback from the KIs on the draft report was discussed among the research team before inclusion in the report. Vietnam is a socialist country that emphasises the value of democracy and imbeds the rights of citizens in its constitution. The political foundation is one of unified democracy, reflected in the assertion of the leadership of the only ruling party, the Communist Party of Vietnam \[ 13 \]. This characterisation was embedded in the image of HIV disease, crime, and psychological and social derangement. PWUD is a socially undesirable group. Many were forced to engage in CCT treatment, even though most had no criminal conviction. Their images were portrayed in media with pictures of ghosts, skulls, cemeteries, and coffins \[ 14 \]. It outlined the coordination of multi-sectoral agencies involved in drug use prevention. However, the main responsibility for drug treatment and social support for people who use drugs was assigned to MOLISA. People who use drugs admitted to compulsory treatment by the administrative and judicial systems had restricted freedom under this policy. In , Vietnam officially decriminalised drug use in criminal law, resulting in more harm reduction interventions via methadone clinics \[ 18 \]. However, no specific policies or Government programs for people who use ATS were established in this decade. The decade of to included several important movements regarding policies for people who use drugs, including those using ATS. Methadone maintenance therapy was quickly scaled up nationally as the best evidence-based model for people who use opiates \[ 16 , 17 \]. As a result, some harsh aspects of the management of drug dependence remained constant, and CCT centres and prisons continued the incarceration of many people who use ATS and other non-opioid drugs. Law enforcement and harm reduction approach continued to coexist in Vietnam \[ 9 \]. Our legislation review identified that the Vietnam drug misuse prevention strategy involves controlling supply, demand reduction, and harm reduction targets. Although the process of reforming from a punitive approach to a harm reduction approach appears to have been effective, analysis shows this reform is recently becoming unfavourable to policymakers in the s. The large quantity of seized drugs and the increasing number of people using ATS raised concerns about social issues with drugs. In August , the Vietnamese Government shifted to strengthen policing and law enforcement to control drug misuse with the release of Directive 36 of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam. There were many reasons for this policy reform. There is a real concern that less strict laws may drive up ATS trafficking across borders \[ 27 \] and national insecurity from ATS misuse \[ 28 \]. Secondly, in the context of the withdrawal of international financial and professional advisory support, Vietnam must now draw on its resources to strengthen its policies toward PWUD. Policymakers appear to believe that effective addiction treatment does not always necessarily have to be voluntary. CCT system was established a long time ago and can accommodate a wide variety of addicts and social problems. Finally, like other Asian countries, the Vietnamese are affected by Confucianism, where collectivism and individual responsibilities to the group are highly valued. Drug use remains considered as a behaviour of irresponsible people \[ 29 , 30 \]. Decriminalisation could create uncertainty in law enforcement, and crime groups could capitalise on the ambiguity of legislative documents. Compared to the previous Laws, Footnote 1 some harsh aspects of compulsory management of drug misuse remain constant in the drug law. Compulsory treatment eligibility has changed from 18 to just 12 years old. The law also classifies people who use drugs into two groups for management, dependent and non-dependent ones. However, provisions included in CCT centres are not because of identified drug dependence, and people who continue to use drugs and ignore alerts of the police and community authorities will be placed in the CCT centres. As a result, in , the number of new detained people who use drugs in CCT centres surged to 55,, with approximately 38, people detained for using ATS \[ 31 \]. These numbers are nearly double that of This part aimed to investigate how policy responses to people who use ATS differ from those to heroin and opioids users. These findings align with statements from an interviewee:. People who use ATS have a variety of recognised signs, and they can easily violate the criminal law because of ATS usage characteristics and the arresting circumstances. For example, such persons often gather to use drugs at motels and bars. So they are vulnerable to detection and violating the laws through organising illegal drug use or having a larger amount of drugs than the specified amount. KI from the MPS. KIs indicated that Vietnamese laws contain many provisions, which result in people who use ATS being susceptible to severe punishments rather than the more supportive provisions of administrative sanctions. Conviction and severity of sentencing appear to be influenced by the social setting of usage, which raises the risk that unrelated contextual factors can lead to imprisonment for use by individuals. The analysis reveals that there are risks for people who use ATS to passively violate the crime of organising, trading and storing illegal drug use Footnote 3 or the transportation law as presented below by a KI:. Methamphetamine can remain in the body for up to 72 hours, so the user might still have a positive test three days after usage. If the person is included in a traffic accident, they are more vulnerable to a transportation law infringement and receive heavier penalties. Footnote 4 Even the effect of the drug on mental health is not certified, they still have a potential of 3 to 10 years of imprisonment. Although the laws have stipulated the responsibilities of each government ministry and social organisation in drug prevention, in practice, the responsibility for detecting and controlling people who use drugs and dealers mainly involves the police. The involvement and support for people who use drugs from the community organisations and local authorities vary in different localities. When KIs were asked to discuss reasons for limited prevention and support to people who use ATS in residential areas, interviewees explained as below:. At the community level, there is no officer with full-time responsibility for illicit drug prevention. People who use ATS are managed at the community level by local police officers. The local authority manages people who use ATS and those who use other drugs based on the information of the police. There is limited support from police for social programs that aim to reduce drug use at the community level. If People who use drugs cannot stop using drugs themselves, they will be sent to compulsory centres. In Vietnam, the prevention of ATS misuse was often understood as early detection of people who use ATS and the enforcement of immediate abstinence. Quarantine was considered by many KIs to be a suitable prevention solution at the community level. However, this contradicts the guidelines on ATS interventions which call for service responses to support people who use ATS who need psychological treatment and social care. Paradoxically, when informants described Vietnamese drug prevention policy development, they mainly emphasised the restriction and control over people who use ATS rather than psychological and social interventions:. Policymakers, as well as the general population, believe that quarantine is a good drug prevention strategy. By early detection, quarantining people who use ATS in the community, compulsory centres or jails can save the lives of many other people in our society. To summarise, arrest and punitive control strategies are predominant both in policies and law enforcement in Vietnam. There is still inadequate prioritisation of effective prevention and support activities. The document analysis identified the presence of two treatment streams for people who use drugs in Vietnam, including ATS: voluntary and compulsory stream. The laws and policies mention both treatment streams, with a preference towards enhancing voluntary treatment and reducing compulsory treatment. Footnote 5 However, there was little evidence in documents or interviews that voluntary treatment stream is actually favoured by regulators over compulsory drug treatment. Social determinants, including networks around people who use drugs, are not regarded as significant influences, and therefore, treatment programs tend not to focus on improving social support. An individualistic attitude prevails; it is expected that people who use drugs should try to stop using drugs by themselves before being coerced, as explained by this informant:. People who use illicit drugs are not the victims. They are the ones who take the initiative of using drugs. This idea is also the general perception of lawmakers in Vietnam, which strongly influences the regulation content and treatment availability. The responsibility of drug addiction treatment first belongs to PWUD and their families. This perception is accepted by most people in our society KI of National Assembly. This analysis revealed a shortage of voluntary treatment services for people who use ATS. With Government subsidies, methadone clinics appear the sole system that provides voluntary treatment, but they currently only accept people who use opioids, not those who use ATS. As mentioned above, the existing national guideline for ATS treatment only stipulate general directions without specific implementation mechanisms or propose practical models for people who use ATS. As a result, people in Vietnam who use ATS are in reality, most often forced to be in compulsory treatment. The following three main themes emerged during our data triangulation from key informant interviews and policy documents analysis. This escalation has resulted in a heavy, unsustainable workload for CCT staff, leading to poor quality services for detainees. A key informant who had more than 20 years of management experience in CCT centres described the current overwhelming situation:. This centre can only accommodate up to detainees, but we always have above that number, sometimes up to people. The accommodation rooms are insufficient, and the dining room is not enough to meet their basic needs. Counselling and other treatment rooms are also limited. KI from CCT centre. For example, with only centres nationally in a population of over 96 million people, most local communities have no access to services for ATS misuse. However, according to the new drug law, people should be forced into CCT centres if they continue using drugs, though many may not be dependent users. Key informants interviewed in this study stated that compulsory treatment is necessary, but it should only be prioritised for a small number of violent and dangerous people who use drugs. KIs were concerned about the high cost of compulsory treatment:. The state budget, which is allocated to directed detainees, is also quite large. However, investment in running the facilities is much bigger. However, it remains the condition of forcing CCT treatment for people who continue to use illegal drugs and do not adhere to the abstinence rule. But because of various circumstances, we are putting non-dependent users into CCT centres and building a cumbersome program. Thus, the system-wide responses to the ATS epidemic should be more sophisticated. At present, people who use ATS have not been categorised in the legal system by levels of dependence or harm they pose to the community. They tend to be lumped together and receive the same therapies and length of stay at CCT centres, which is believed to create more harm to them. The consequences of detention and enforced treatment are not only the cost lost of the State but also the impact on the desperate life of people after they leave CCT centres. Many arrested people because of ATS misuse had to go to compulsory centres while they were employed. The effectiveness of the CCT system was criticised by many interviewees, and it is worth noting that the shortcomings were mainly blamed on the inadequate scale of the system. The key informants from CCT centres did not accept the low quality of service as a major problem. When the detainees are released, they are followed up by phone calls once a month in the next six months. Every month, the staff here make a phone call to ask about their situation. However, the rate of response is meagre; they do not listen or answer very quickly. In here, we did not only provide treatment. We have to manage and control people who use drugs to stay here, not go out of the centre KI from CCT centre. The expressed attitude does not necessarily reflect a lack of compassion but rather the social beliefs many service providers have held for a long time. These conversations show that coercion is a barrier to developing a therapeutic relationship and voluntary treatment. As mentioned above, the number of people who use ATS in need of treatment is high, and public services such as CCTs are overcrowded. This situation is exacerbated by the limited availability of private health and social services for people who use ATS in Vietnam. One KI succinctly summarised the contemporary situation of private addiction treatment:. Currently, there are only 16 private addiction treatment centres in the whole country that have been provided with licenses for their operation. But by 30 May , only 1, people who use drugs 0. Each year, the number of people who use ATS being treated in these facilities is only a few hundred. KI from MPS. The interviews proved several obstacles to the development of new addiction treatment services. For example, working with people who use ATS is challenging as staff are often concerned about being victims of crime. In addition, there are complicated legal requirements for establishing private treatment services as there is a high risk of financial loss. Moreover, the number of people who use ATS in Vietnam has increased rapidly across diverse socio-demographic groups. Similar to other countries, we found that many users in Vietnam are from affluent families. Yet, there appeared to be a strong opinion amongst policymakers that users usually have low socio-economic status, so they cannot afford treatment without government support. One KI affirmed as below:. For other health services in Vietnam, if the Government could not meet the needs, the private sector will jump in immediately for benefits. Generally, people do not want to work with people who use drugs, but that is our social responsibility. The risks to opening a private addiction treatment centre in Vietnam are much bigger than the benefits. In and , there were no new registered services for drug addiction treatment KI from the MoH. Additionally, several pilot interventions showed the effectiveness of services that integrate ATS misuse treatment in methadone clinics in Vietnam. Unfortunately, this approach has not been scaled up and new treatment methods for people who use ATS are not promoted in MMT system in Vietnam. At methadone clinics, there was no legal mechanism for us to treat people who use ATS. Our responsibility is to treat people who use opioid drugs in the daytime only. People who use drugs have too many social problems, and we cannot manage them. The arresting of a patient outside our clinic due to ATS use resulted in treatment interruption. Among the various challenges of establishing new services for people who use ATS, KIs indicated that criminal punishment of people who use ATS is the most significant barrier for service development. The analysis identified that punishment and arrest are inhibitors for service development and also disrupt or hinder treatment. Given the large increased number of people who use ATS in the past decade, it should be predicted that many more people who use ATS would attend services, at least for legal, counselling and health care support. Unfortunately, this did not occur. With an estimate of , people who use ATS in , the recorded number of people who use ATS presenting at formal support services remained very low:. People who use ATS are exposed to many risks, and they need both health and legal advice. But in Vietnam, they would not go to a specialist to be advised because they are scared. Low service use may be a direct consequence of harsh criminalised policies. Many policymakers expect that harsh regulations can prevent people from using drugs and reduce drug-related crime. However, the harsh regulations seem to drive drug use further underground. People who use ATS tend to hide their needs for support services and treatment programs because they are afraid of being detected by authorities and forced to compulsory treatment. In many cases, they may eventually end up in detention. Many fear official recognition of their problems because of the stigma and shame felt by families, employers, and social networks. Together, these factors prevent users from seeking help. These concerns are illustrated by comments from an interviewee:. Every day, when examining patients, we know a lot of them have used methamphetamine. However, they refuse to discuss the effects of methamphetamine on their physical and mental health. That is because they were afraid of being sent to the CCT centre and not receiving further treatment at the MMT facility and afraid of the stigma of family members and people surrounding them KI from the MMT clinic. People who solely depend on opioids can be referred to methadone clinics; however, people who use ATS or other non-opioid drugs could be treated strictly in CCT centres or are placed under restrictive community management. Therefore, they often hide and do not seek help. There are escalating concerns that people who use ATS are involved in the drug trade and therefore implicated in serious crimes. The borderline between a non-trading user of ATS, who should not be arrested and detained, and a drug dealer, who will be arrested, is often unclear to police and others in the judicial system. Thus, for many people who use ATS, it seems safer to withdraw themselves from being recognised by society:. Under Vietnamese law, drug trafficking can lead to heavy penalties from imprisonment to execution. However, high profitability attracts many people who use drugs to be involved in trafficking. As a result, drug dealers are extremely desperate and get prepared to fight to protect their lives. Gradually, they split apart and form their own worlds, resulting in reduced social cohesion. Despite policies that favour decriminalisation of personal drug use in many parts of the world, in Vietnam and some other Asian countries, there remains strong opposition to liberal, harm reduction laws and regulations. The number of people in Vietnam who were arrested or forced into CCT centres because of illicit drugs has increased sharply in the past year in 38, new cases in CCT, 22, arrested cases; in 55, new cases in CCT, 25, arrested cases \[ 32 , 33 \]. This study shows that poor service supporting people who use ATS combined with more rigorous law enforcement has restricted access to suitable treatment for people who use ATS and forced many users into detentions. In the context of the fast-growing number of people with ATS misuse in a new and challenging health and social situation, drug prevention and treatment reforms have mostly not changed in a positive direction. Indeed, the harm reduction initiatives in the previous two decades in Vietnam have faltered, with limited access to inclusive, non-judgemental services. Many people who use ATS fear being arrested and incarcerated. Evidence from our interviews and documents analysis suggests that many policymakers and service providers believe that this shift to a harsher policy regime is a challenge for service providers to deal with ATS misuse. In Vietnam, the harsh regulations of law enforcement toward people who use ATS include a low threshold quantity for possession of illegal drugs under 0. Following prior research into the disadvantages of punishment and compulsory treatment \[ 16 , 34 , 35 \], we now discuss the current treatment program constraints in dealing with ATS misuse in Vietnam, as well as in other countries with similar sociopolitical contexts. Although CCT centres have many shortcomings \[ 36 \], they continue to be used for publishment and control of people who use ATS. The preference for abstinence-based treatment has solid political and regulatory support. Under Vietnam's current legal system, abstinence-based treatment is still considered the utmost goal of drug misuse treatment. The singular preference for state-based, compulsory treatment has created the social belief that these centres are valuable places for all types of drug misuse, with no exception for the complex and diverse needs of people who misuse ATS. Like Cambodia, people who use drugs often receive a referral through several pathways, such as police and family members, to join the CCTs for treatment \[ 37 \]. Although the limits of CCT are acknowledged by some policymakers, there appears to be little effort to address the shortage of high-quality ATS treatment services. Abstinence-based and compulsory treatments are no longer effective methods for stemming the flow of illegal synthetic drugs or reducing the number of people who use drugs, so drug control initiatives by attracting users are essential. Firstly, evidence shows that the drug market is dynamic and difficult to distinguish between illegal and legal drugs. UNODC publishes hundreds of substances and precursors each year but has been unable to identify any specific category of these substances \[ 38 \]. So practical solution is to encourage users to register for services that will allow them to voluntarily report and be actively involved in controlling drugs and stimulants available on the market. Secondly, no pharmacological or psychosocial treatment can help people who use ATS quit using them entirely until now \[ 39 \]. Thus, the relaxation of regulations on treatment management, such as abstinence-based treatment, is necessary. Aside from making the management of people who use drugs easier, this also allows the service providers to coordinate their responsibilities concerning new illicit substances that hit the market. Despite the heavy strain on current services caused by the influx of people who use ATS, there are few new options for treatment and social care. This problem is not specific to Vietnam, as other countries with punitive drug policies also have undeveloped private and voluntary treatment services. There were only 16 private drug misuse treatment centres in Vietnam by , which accommodated just 0. Similarly, China had only 66 voluntary detoxification institutions nationwide, providing services for just drug users among , recorded drug users \[ 40 \]. Clearly, there is not enough attention to more voluntary treatment services to meet the needs of such a vast number of people who use ATS. King et al. The four pillars of drug prevention and control have been identified as law enforcement, prevention, treatment, and harm reduction \[ 42 \]. However, our findings in Vietnam suggest that focusing too much on law enforcement might suppress the development of the remaining three pillars. Therefore, the rapid development of care and treatment services should be a top priority in rebalancing these pillars and managing users in the long run. Policymakers are affected by the provisions of law and the social views on ATS misuse treatment, and they hesitate when making decisions for more investment in ATS misuse treatment in Vietnam. Retention of a client in treatment depends on both their eligibility for legal treatment and the acceptance of their continued use of illicit drugs while in treatment. The increasing number of people who use ATS is alarming throughout the country. Arguably, implementing strict, zero-tolerance policies that emphasise harsh punishment is a significant barrier in the development of quality services for ATS misuse. While CCT centres are criticised for their low quality and overcrowding, private facilities and voluntary treatment services remain underdeveloped. It is critical that the Government pays more consideration to ATS prevention and treatment, both in legislative documents and practical working mechanisms, to establish more service providers and facilitate better coordination among relating agencies. In addition, there should be specific provisions for ATS prevention and treatments in the new drug law and its guiding decrees. There are some limitations in this study that should be addressed in future research. First, the 22 experts participants in interviews were senior managers and experts who generally operate at provincial or national levels. Therefore, their reflections may not fully capture recently community-based issues regarding ATS prevention and control. Second, to explore the challenges faced by stakeholders in Vietnam in drug prevention and treatment, we may have overlooked some of the less apparent benefits of policy implementation. The Decree No. Article of the Penal Code , amended in , stipulates the crime of organising illegal drug use. If there are more than two people using drugs together, the organiser can be sentenced from 2 to 7 years in prison. Further, offenders can be imprisoned up to 15 years if participants include children from 13 to 18 years old, pregnant women, or people who are using detoxification methods. In cases where drug use badly affects the health and life of those who use together, the organisers could face life imprisonment. Article of the Penal Code defines the crime of trading and storing illegal drugs. Particularly, Clause 1 and Clause 2 of Article of the Penal Code and amended by Clause 72, Article 1 of the Penal Code Amendment in stipulates that people who have a positive drug test and cause a traffic accident which affects the health or life of others could be punished from 3 to 10 years of imprisonment. The directive No. Booklet 4: drug market trend - cocaine, amphetamine type stimulants. Synthetic drugs in East and Southest Asia: latest developments and challenges. Nguyen VT, Scannapieco M. Drug abuse in Vietnam: a critical review of the literature and implications for future research. Article PubMed Google Scholar. Synthetic drugs in East and Southeast Asia: latest development and challenges. Amphetamine-type stimulants in Vietnam: review of the availability, use and implications for health and security. Synthetic drug addiction, public health issues need to be addressed. Sischy J, Blaustein J. Int J Drug Policy. 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Compulsory and voluntary drug treatment models in China: a need for improved evidence-based policy and practice to reduce the loaded burden of substance use disorders. Detaining people who use drugs in Cambodia: a dual-track system. Synthetic drug strategy. Psychosocial interventions for amphetamine type stimulant use disorder: an overview of systematic reviews. Front Psychiatry. Incarceration and compulsory rehabilitation impede use of medication for opioid use disorder and HIV care engagement in Vietnam. J Subst Abuse Treat. Caulkins JP, Reuter P. Dealing more effectively and humanely with illegal drugs. Univ Chic Press J. Download references. We thank all Key Informants for their participation. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. She took the primary responsibility to design research methods, instruments, apply ethics clearance, conduct interviews, collect data and analysis, project administration, write the original draft, and submit the final manuscript. He is a supervisor of Ms Mai Tran. He contributed significantly to design research methods, instruments, writing and review of this manuscript. He contributed to developing methods, providing resources, and supervision. Furthermore, they supported the validation of the instrument, conducted interviews and provided feedback for the report. He contributed significantly to delve deeply into structures, context, and discussions. He contributed to collecting data, providing feedback for the report. He contributed significantly to delve deeply into structures, context, and discussions and editing of the manuscript. He is the principal supervisor of Ms Mai Tran. He contributed significantly to design research methods, instruments, manuscript editing, and supervision. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Correspondence to Mai Thi Ngoc Tran. All participants provided informed consent to participate in this study. 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Abstract Introduction The emergence of widespread amphetamine-type stimulants ATSs usage has created significant challenges for drug control and treatment policies in Southeast Asian countries. Methods A desk review of national policy documents and 22 in-depth key informant interviews were conducted from to Conclusion While new drugs are constantly evolving, the current law enforcement approach potentially constrains expertise to adopt effective treatment services. Introduction Illicit drug usage patterns have changed significantly in recent years. This research study sought to explore: 1. How has drug policy evolved over recent decades in Vietnam? How have the current drug laws and policies responded to people who use ATS? What are the current treatment program constraints in dealing with ATS misuse in Vietnam? Methods This study combines desk reviews and key informant in-depth interview analysis. Data analysis Conventional thematic content analysis was employed to analyse the data following the approach of Razavi et al. Milestones of drug policy development in Vietnam. Full size image. Law enforcement in Vietnam. Discussion Despite policies that favour decriminalisation of personal drug use in many parts of the world, in Vietnam and some other Asian countries, there remains strong opposition to liberal, harm reduction laws and regulations. Emphasising abstinence-based compulsory treatment Although CCT centres have many shortcomings \[ 36 \], they continue to be used for publishment and control of people who use ATS. Lack of private and voluntary services and social indifference toward new service development Despite the heavy strain on current services caused by the influx of people who use ATS, there are few new options for treatment and social care. Conclusion The increasing number of people who use ATS is alarming throughout the country. Limitations There are some limitations in this study that should be addressed in future research. Article Google Scholar Download references. View author publications. Competing interests The authors declare no competing interests. Additional information Publisher's Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. About this article. Cite this article Tran, M. Copy to clipboard. Contact us Submission enquiries: journalsubmissions springernature.

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