Venezuela where can I buy cocaine

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Venezuela where can I buy cocaine

In October , the Venezuelan Ministry of the Interior issued an ordinary looking statement about an antinarcotics operation in the state of Zulia that had extraordinary implications: the military had destroyed eight cocaine laboratories, seizing nearly half a ton of cocaine and nearly ten tons of coca paste in the process. But more than that, they had also eradicated 32 hectares of coca crops, destroying over , plants. Read the full series here or download the full PDF. In the Colombian region of Catatumbo, which lies across the border from Zulia, 32 hectares is nothing more than a mid-sized coca field. But it is far from all the coca in Venezuela. InSight Crime has uncovered evidence of the presence of significant quantities of coca in at least three municipalities in Zulia, and two more to the south in the state of Apure, each time verified and corroborated by multiple reliable sources. All of these plantations and laboratories are located in territories dominated by Colombian guerrilla groups, which have generations of experience in sowing the coca trade and maintain close ties to elements of the Venezuelan state. And in contrast to the operation taken down in Zulia, most appear to be operating freely. So far, cocaine production in Venezuela is nascent, representing just a drop in an ocean of coca compared to the historic levels seen in Colombia in recent years. And in a country trapped in an economic crisis, ruled by a corrupt regime, and ravaged by criminality, that is a dangerous proposition. This binational criminal economy is facilitated by a porous border that allows both illicit goods and people to move freely between the two countries. These migrant workers are so much a feature of life in the border region that officials of the Bolivarian National Guard Guardia Nacional Bolivariana — GNB recognize them by the state of their hands, according to one local resident who asked not to be named for security reasons. These migrant laborers bring back to Venezuela not only much-needed income, but also the knowhow of cocaine production. On condition of anonymity, he described how he had found work on an ELN-run coca farm in Colombia and worked hard to rise up the hierarchy. Eventually, he invested the money and skills he had earned into starting his own small coca farm, working with an associate to acquire six hectares of coca in Colombian Catatumbo. He claimed that more than two dozen people from his hometown had followed similar paths to become coca growers in Colombia, laundering the money they earned from coca sales through businesses in Zulia. Both the politician and the coca picker as well as other residents of the border region described how these chemical precursors move freely through Zulia and across the border, with the complicity or even active assistance of the Venezuelan military. This dynamic was exposed in , when General Aquiles Leopoldo Lapadula Sira , then commander of the army forces in Zulia, was arrested for drug trafficking offenses, including authorizing the trafficking of chemical precursors. The easy availability of these precursors, coupled with a boom in coca production in Colombian Catatumbo, has sparked a rapid proliferation of cocaine laboratories on Venezuelan soil. In November , the Venezuelan government reported anti-narcotics officials had destroyed 60 laboratories so far that year. In , officials reported destroying 79 laboratories. The vast majority were in Zulia. Coca has been creeping towards Zulia for some time. While the operation in October was the first major coca eradication of recent times, it has not been the last: Venezuelan authorities eradicated a further 31 hectares in two more operations in Zulia in February The scale of the plantations is unknown, as they are located in remote areas and often guarded by armed men. In many cases, the sources alleged, these fields are controlled by ELN guerrillas who acquire land suitable for coca production by buying out or extorting local farmers. Since the demobilization of the FARC in , the ELN have come to dominate coca cultivation in Colombian Catatumbo while also consolidating their presence in Zulia, where they appear to operate with near-total impunity. In some areas the guerrillas have even forcibly displaced landowners, according to two local ranchers who spoke to InSight Crime anonymously for fear of retaliation. In some cases, according to the second rancher, security forces have accused landowners of drug trafficking to force them to leave their land. To the south of Zulia, the state of Apure, in the western plains of Venezuela, seems an unlikely candidate for coca cultivation. Bordering the Colombian department of Arauca, a historic guerrilla stronghold, its sparsely populated savannas have for decades served as a refuge for FARC and ELN guerrillas and a departure point for drug flights to Central America. Although coca generally grows best at altitudes of 1, to 1, meters, in recent years drug producers have developed more versatile strains that open possibilities for coca cultivation in regions previously thought unviable. In Apure, these trials appear to have yielded results. The sources could not give details on the size of the plantations, as they are closely guarded by guerrillas, mostly members of FARC dissident groups, and often concealed behind other crops. Many of the plantations are located in Indigenous regions, where the guerrillas exploit local communities for cheap or even forced labor. As in Zulia, there is evidence that the expansion of coca cultivation in Apure is being facilitated by guerrilla groups using frontmen to buy up tracts of land from impoverished local farmers, threatening those who refuse to sell. As coca crops have proliferated in Apure, so have cocaine laboratories. In the first four months of alone, authorities reported destroying 17 laboratories. Mildred Camero corroborated his story, stating that she had received similar information of young people recruited to learn cocaine crystallization processes in Venezuelan laboratories, many of which are now operating with a high degree of sophistication. The extent to which cocaine production has taken hold in Venezuela is still unclear. While InSight Crime only has substantial evidence of plantations in two states, further production is rumored throughout the Colombian border region and even beyond. The geography and climate of the state make the claim plausible, but its extreme remoteness means InSight Crime has so far been unable to verify the claims. But no matter the scale currently, the risk remains high: once cocaine production takes root in a country, it is very hard to go back. As the experience of neighboring Colombia shows, coca crops offer irresistible revenues to criminal groups and impoverished farmers alike — and once the practice is firmly established, attempts to eradicate it only foment conflict, resentment, and deeper ties between armed groups and rural communities. Currently cocaine production in Venezuela is being driven by the same groups that have so expertly capitalized on these dynamics to foster cocaine production in Colombia. And these guerrilla groups have a powerful motivation to drive it across the border: the chance to control self-contained supply chains where they can grow coca, process cocaine and dispatch international drug flights all within an area where they can operate with virtual impunity thanks to their ties to corrupt elements of the state. As Venezuela has slid ever further into economic ruin and criminal chaos, it provides fertile ground for such dynamics to take hold. Added to this volatile mix there is also a cash-strapped and internationally isolated government that has long shown itself willing to tolerate or even facilitate drug trafficking. And while most Venezuelan cocaine production so far seems no more than a junior offshoot of Colombian operations, the country is also host to a plethora of homegrown criminal actors that, as appears to be happening in Zulia, may seek to stake a claim in this nascent economy. They know where the routes are and can manage themselves independently without depending on the Colombians. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Venezuela is producing cocaine. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

This Is What It’s Like Trying to Buy Drugs During Venezuela’s Economic Crisis

Venezuela where can I buy cocaine

The global cocaine trade has seen seismic shifts in the last decade as drug traffickers looked beyond the United States to set their sights on more lucrative markets in Europe. Cocaine consumption in Europe has increased significantly over the last decade. The rise of cocaine has caused an unprecedented wave of drug-related violence across Europe, especially in port cities like Rotterdam. As drug use has increased, so have drug-overdose deaths. Governments have struggled to respond to this rising threat to public health and security. Understanding how cocaine makes its way from South America through the Caribbean to Europe, as well as the geographic and political nature of the trafficking routes that connect them, will be critical for crafting effective solutions to this crisis. In , Western and Central Europe comprised 21 percent of the global demand of cocaine. The drug is now the second most consumed illicit drug on the entire continent behind cannabis. Europe has become an attractive destination for drug traffickers seeking higher profits and lower risks. This is due to higher market prices and lesser legal penalties for possession and consumption than in the United States. Furthermore, European interdiction efforts in Europe and the Caribbean territories do not match U. According to European officials, this allows border security forces to interdict only around 10—12 percent of the total flow of cocaine into the continent. The problem begins at the source of production: South America. Cocaine is produced from the coca plant, which is grown throughout South America. The majority of coca harvesting takes place in three countries, Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru, which also serve as the starting point of the drug trade to Europe. In , these three countries alone grew an estimated Peru, located on the Pacific coast, is able to reach both the United States and Europe by transporting drugs through countries with high levels of trade with the European Union like Ecuador and Brazil. In , 98 percent of the forensic analyses conducted on cocaine seized in the United States traced its origin to Colombia. However, cocaine seized in Europe had a more complex breakdown, with 67 percent originating in Colombia, 27 percent in Peru, and 5 percent in Bolivia. To get to the Caribbean, drug traffickers favor transiting from Colombia through Venezuela. The Colombia—Venezuela border in particular has lax controls on the Venezuelan side, and some members of the Venezuelan military are involved or support the trafficking of drugs. A worker in Colombia sprinkles lime over crushed coca leaves as they are processed into coca paste. These factors allow for the flow of cocaine between the two countries, mainly through the crossing points in Catatumbo, Vichada, and Guanina. Criminal groups thrive in an atmosphere of corruption and impunity. When cocaine goes through ports and airports, drug traffickers often rely on bribes or compromised authorities to ensure their illicit cargo passes swiftly and without detection. This intersection of corruption and impunity is best seen in commercial ports. It has been extensively reported that criminal groups have infiltrated the commercial operations of ports that enables them to introduce cocaine into shipping containers destined to Europe. Cargo vessels offer one of the most advantageous methods of transporting cocaine because of the large volume of trade between the Caribbean and Europe. Interact with the 3D visualization below to learn some of the ways traffickers use shipping containers to conceal cocaine. While shipping containers represent the most lucrative method of transporting cocaine via sea, traffickers are also known to use mules to transport cocaine via air. Other methods of transportation across the Caribbean include go-fast boats, small, privately owned aircraft, and narcosubs. There are a multitude of paths drug traffickers may take through the Caribbean into Europe, including island hopping and moving through European overseas territories. Route The ultimate goal is reaching a large port or airport, such as the port of Caucedo in the Dominican Republic. By moving cocaine from island to island in small go-fast boats, traffickers reduce the chance of being detected by maritime patrol. Drug traffickers typically transport the cocaine during nighttime and leave it on deserted beaches for the next transportista to move it up the supply chain until it reaches a major port. A sample route may begin with cocaine leaving the small Venezuelan port town of Guiria toward Trinidad and Tobago. Trinidad and Tobago is only seven miles away from the Venezuelan coast, typically a minute boat ride. From there, traffickers can make multiple stops along the Lesser Antilles all the way to Hispaniola, either to the Dominican Republic or to the Haitian side of the island. The Dominican Republic reported an annual seizure of Cocaine leaving the Dominican Republic is typically destined for Spain , mainly due to the shared language, though recent reports claim Dutch and Dominican criminal groups are building stronger ties. Weak governance and limited economic opportunities in the Caribbean are two of the main vulnerabilities that drug traffickers exploit. Stronger institutions and stronger local economies therefore have the potential to reduce the likelihood of local officials and dock workers participating in part of the drug trade supply chain. European overseas territories offer distinct advantages to drug smugglers over other parts of the Caribbean. They include self-governing territories in the case of the Kingdom of the Netherlands or the United Kingdom, or in the case of France, are an integral part of the country. They usually include a common language, business connections, and family ties, in addition to direct transportation links to Europe by air or maritime routes. In the case of French Guiana, it also shares a common currency, the euro. These territories are also part of the European Union. European passport holders can travel to these territories and back to Europe visa-free. This route starts with cocaine leaving Colombia and Venezuela in small planes transiting through Guyana or the porous border with Suriname. Once in French Guiana, the cocaine departs in cargo vessels or by mules that take commercial flights to France. In a report presented to the French Senate in September of , it was estimated that between 15 and 20 percent of the cocaine reaching France comes from French Guiana. The islands of Bonaire, Saint Eustatius, and Saba are special municipalities within the Netherlands and are jointly referred to as the Caribbean Netherlands. Maarten are independent countries that, along with the Netherlands, are part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In , it intercepted over 35 tonnes 38 tons of cocaine in the waters of its territories in the Caribbean. Cocaine shipments from Venezuela enter the European Dutch territories via go-fast boats. The distance between Aruba and Venezuela is only The route may include another transshipment point in Haiti due to its lack of port controls, and the cocaine is sometimes later transported by land to the Dominican Republic before it departs for Europe. The British Overseas Territories also play a role as transshipment points for cocaine. The increased traffic of cocaine in the Caribbean has brought a significant increase in violence and has exacerbated existing corruption in the region. This corruption and violence have compounded existing gender-based violence, gang activity, and high firearms availability. Curbing this trade is critical for restoring security across the region. When shipments of cocaine finally reach Europe, there are three primary points of entry. Over 70 percent of the cocaine entering Europe goes through Belgium, the Netherlands, or Spain. The main methods of transportation are via cargo, sailing, and fishing vessels. Some drugs are trafficked through air transportation, but this is less profitable as the volumes drug traffickers can transport are smaller compared to the amount they can send via maritime routes in shipping containers. Once the cocaine has reached its destination in Europe, the drugs are collected by drug extractors. Port workers or company employees share container reference codes with these extractors to allow them pick up the drugs from the specific shipping containers. Containers transporting perishable goods are regularly abused for this purpose, due to their expedited customs timeframe. According to a Europol report, European ports handle over 90 million containers each year. However, only 2 to 10 percent can be physically inspected, making the widespread detection of drugs nearly impossible. Four major ports in particular have seen a dramatic increase in the amount of cocaine being trafficked. This port seized Rotterdam seized The port of Valencia in Spain is the fourth-largest port in Europe. Before the emergence of the ports of Antwerp and Rotterdam, Spain had been the main entry point of cocaine arriving from the Andean countries. The port seized 2. The Spanish port of Algeciras is the sixth largest in Europe. On August 25, , 9. An emerging port of concern to law-enforcement officials is Le Havre in France. In , nearly 45 percent of the cocaine entering France transited through that port. France has also recorded a percent increase in cocaine seizures from to This trend is expected to continue as customs and port security tighten in Belgium and the Netherlands, driving traffickers to France. For drug traffickers, these ports across Europe present a unique opportunity to increase their monetary gains, extend their influence, and lower operational risk. International cooperation is imperative for creating solutions that are both comprehensive and sustainable for all countries involved. European stakeholders and Caribbean states must create a cohesive counternarcotics strategy. Additionally, increased cooperation with European overseas territories that serve as a gateway to the continent will be vital. Finally, public-private sector cooperation among shipping container companies and the governments affected by the drug trade is of utmost importance. Shipping companies should prioritize rigorous employee vetting and regular screening of all port and shipping containers. However, criminal groups take advantage of these ties to smuggle enormous amounts of cocaine across the Atlantic. Multiparty cooperation among criminal groups at the local, regional, and international levels has enabled the transatlantic drug trade to flourish. Only equivalent cooperation among European and Caribbean governments and the private sector can begin to effectively counter the flow of cocaine. Department of State. Bermudez Jr. Established in Washington, D. Europe's Cocaine Problem. Image captions. Route 2: Europe in the Caribbean European overseas territories offer distinct advantages to drug smugglers over other parts of the Caribbean. Stage 3 Europe: The Final Destination. All rights reserved. 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Venezuela where can I buy cocaine