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This article needs to be updated. The reason given is: A lot is said of past Government actions, but what is happening now?. (January 2020)
Ukraine is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked transnationally for the purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor. Ukrainian women are trafficked to Russia, Poland, Turkey, China, the Czech Republic, the United Arab Emirates, Austria, Italy, Portugal, Germany, Greece, Israel, Spain, Lebanon, Hungary, Slovak Republic, Cyprus, United Kingdom, Netherlands, Serbia, Argentina, Norway, Iran, Bahrain and The United States. The majority of Ukrainian labor trafficking victims were men exploited in Russia, the Czech Republic and Poland, primarily forced to work as construction laborers, sailors, and factory and agriculture workers. There are indications Ukraine is a destination for people from neighboring countries trafficked for forced labor and sexual exploitation. In addition, trafficking occurs within Ukraine; men and women are trafficked within the country for the purposes of labor exploitation in the agriculture and service sectors, commercial sexual exploitation, and forced begging. Ukrainian children are trafficked both internally and transnationally for commercial sexual exploitation, forced begging, and involuntary servitude in the agriculture industry. An IOM survey released in December 2006 concluded that since 1991, approximately 117,000 Ukrainians had been forced into exploitative situations in Europe, the Middle East, and Russia. In 2008 the Government of Ukraine did not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it was making significant efforts to do so. While there was little evidence of efforts to curb trafficking complicity of government officials and of concrete steps to protect and assist trafficking victims at the national level, local governments made some progress on victim assistance. The government also made modest, but tangible, progress in improving the punishment of convicted traffickers, prosecuting labor trafficking, training the judiciary, and carrying out prevention activities.[1] U.S. State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons placed the country in "Tier 2" in 2017.[2]
In 2006, Ukraine made progress in prosecuting and punishing trafficking offenses. The government prohibits all forms of trafficking through Article 149 of its Criminal Code, which prescribes penalties that are sufficiently stringent and commensurate with those prescribed for other grave crimes, such as rape. This year, the government completed 82 criminal investigations and arrested 56 people on trafficking charges. The Interior Ministry reported that the number of prosecutions for labor trafficking increased from 3 in 2006 to 23 in 2007. Overall, the government prosecuted 95 cases resulting in 83 convictions of trafficking offenders under Article 149. Of the total number of persons convicted, 59 were placed on probation and not subjected to imprisonment. In June 2007, the Prosecutor General ordered prosecutors to take a more aggressive posture with regard to sentencing convicted trafficking offenders and to appeal every case in which a judge ordered probation rather than jail time. As a result, during the second half of 2007, the share of convicted trafficking offenders receiving jail time rose to 44 percent, up from 36 percent during the first half of the year. Despite widespread reports of trafficking-related corruption, Ukraine failed to demonstrate any efforts to vigorously investigate, prosecute, convict, or sentence government officials complicit in trafficking this year. The government financed regular, formal training seminars for Interior Ministry anti-trafficking officers throughout Ukraine. The Ukrainian Academy of Judges and the Academy of Prosecutors, with sponsorship from the OSCE[expand acronym], participated in eight seminars for 203 judges and prosecutors from around the country on victim related issues and sensitivity training for trafficking-related cases. The government cooperates with other governments on anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts but acknowledged the need to simplify procedures for mutual legal assistance between Ukraine and trafficking destination countries.[1]
Ukraine’s prevention efforts remained heavily reliant on international donor funding. Law enforcement agencies referred 456 victims to NGOs for assistance. Through donor-sponsored programs and some government services, foreign and domestic victims of trafficking in Ukraine receive shelter, medical, psychological, legal, and job placement assistance. The national government did not increase funding for victims, and there has been uneven support offered by local governments. The Kherson regional government allocated $20,170 to anti-trafficking activities including support of a reintegration center; however, the trafficking victim shelter in Lutsk is on the verge of being closed due to lack of government support. Ukraine does not punish victims for unlawful acts committed as a direct result of being trafficked, but sex trafficking victims’ rights are incorrectly characterized as “willing prostitutes” and denied confidentiality. Although more victims are reportedly willing to participate in investigations against their traffickers, a weak witness protection system and a bias against sex trafficking victims still discourage many from testifying in court. Courts in the Ivano-Frankivsk region are implementing a pilot program to develop a modern witness protection program. The government does not provide foreign victims with legal alternatives to removal to countries in which they may face hardship or retribution.[1]
The government made progress in preventing trafficking in persons during the reporting period. In 2007, the government broadcast a public service announcement on television entitled “Do not look at employment abroad through rose-colored glasses” throughout Ukraine and ran a parallel billboard campaign. The national government spent approximately $53,465 for printing and distributing materials for raising awareness, and local governments made additional contributions to prevention activities. The government did not undertake any prevention efforts directed at reducing demand for commercial sex acts. For the past three years, Ukraine’s National Academy of Defense has conducted, jointly with IOM,[expand acronym] anti-trafficking classes for Ukrainian troops being deployed for international peacekeeping duties. During the reporting period, the Ministry of Interior worked with Interpol to prevent known child sex tourism offenders from entering Ukraine.[1] NASHI, a Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada-based organisation that opposes human trafficking by raising awareness through education,[3] established a vocational school in Lviv, Ukraine to teach girls and women carpentry, sewing, information processing, and cooking so they won't become trapped in Ukraine's human trafficking network.[4] NASHI also founded the Maple Leaf Centre, a resource centre and shelter in Ukraine for young people who are at risk of being trafficked.[5]
Social Services departments of many Ukrainian oblasts have begun to cooperate with families and non-profit organizations to create "Family Type Homes" or "DBST"s in Ukrainian. Understanding that a family dynamic creates much more stability and opportunity for at-risk children, a shift toward family institutions is in progress. Organizations like "Father's House" and "MANNA Worldwde" are working vigorously to provide loving family environments for these vulnerable kids.
^ a b c d "Ukraine". Trafficking in Persons Report 2008. U.S. Department of State (June 4, 2008). This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
^ "Trafficking in Persons Report 2017: Tier Placements". www.state.gov. Archived from the original on 2017-06-28. Retrieved 2017-12-01.
^ Curtis Anderson (June 2, 2012). "Arts & Entertainment". Shaw TV Saskatoon.
^ "Group battles to prevent Ukraine sex trafficking". The StarPhoenix. May 26, 2006. Retrieved September 14, 2012.
^ "Conference Focuses on Human Trafficking". Saskatoonhomepage.ca. October 17, 2009. Retrieved September 14, 2012.
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HOW A SLAVE GIRL BECAME AN OTTOMAN QUEEN
Because she burst through the Ottoman Empire’s glass ceiling … in the 16th century.
The letter reads as genuinely as any piece of correspondence a longing lover might send to their beloved: “Like a nightingale whose sighs and cries for help do not cease, I am in such a state due to being away from you. I would pray to Allah to not inflict this pain even upon your enemies.”
Depending on whom you ask, the words are those of a wife possessing exceptional charm and a deep sense of devotion, or those of a cunning manipulator influencing one of history’s pre-eminent Ottoman sultans.
Either way, one thing is clear: Roxelana, better known as Hurrem Sultan, used a potent combination of intelligence and grace to transform herself from Suleiman the Magnificent’s favorite concubine into a key political operator in the 16th-century Ottoman Empire. Upending hundreds of years of tradition, Roxelana acquired the kind of outsize influence no woman before her had ever enjoyed in the empire, leaving a lasting imprint on both Ottoman history and European imagination, according to DeSales University English professor Galina Yermolenko. “It really is a unique love story,” she says.
What made Roxelana’s meteoric rise even more impressive were her humble beginnings. Kidnapped by Tatar traders from an area controlled by the kingdom of Poland (now in modern-day western Ukraine), the Slavic teenager was enslaved and transported to Istanbul sometime between 1517 and 1520. There she was trained in how to be a concubine, a task she undertook with a keen sense of survival, says Leslie Peirce, a history professor at New York University and author of Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Ottoman Empire.
Rules be damned: Roxelana rocked the Sultan’s court.
Introduced to Suleiman around 1520, either just before or during the first year of his reign, Roxelana wasted little time winning his heart. Within a few short years of giving birth to a son, Mehmed, Roxelana bore Suleiman another four, plus a daughter — thus ending the Muslim empire’s one-son-per-concubine tradition — while also marrying the sultan. These were just two among many Ottoman conventions that Roxelana would gradually undo as she rose to prominence within the closed imperial court. “A lot of rules got broken,” says Peirce.
Commanding Suleiman’s affection allowed the convivial Roxelana (her Ottoman name meant “joyful one”) to burrow deep into the heart of power. When the sultan was away conducting military campaigns abroad, she served as his eyes and ears at home, keeping up regular correspondence and even offering political counsel in the process. She oversaw massive construction projects in the capital — the activities of concubine mothers were usually reserved to the provinces — and dabbled in diplomatic relations on the sultan’s behalf. “He pretty much trusted her with everything,” says Yermolenko. Foreign diplomats and other political observers were reportedly well aware of Roxelana’s stature: Her name was given to her by contemporary Ottoman-watchers as a nod to her Slavic background, since her birth name was unknown.
Why Suleiman chose to elevate his favorite concubine to such prominence is still unclear. Love, of course, is a powerful argument. But Peirce also points to the emergence of other powerful women in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, such as Isabella I of Castile and Anne Boleyn, and speculates whether the sultan sought a European-style queen to rule alongside him. Either way, Peirce says, by establishing the foundation for what would eventually become the imperial harem, Roxelana brought “women right into the heart of government.”
Yet for centuries, before more detailed evidence became available, Western chroniclers portrayed Roxelana as a conniving, power-hungry social climber. Many believed her influence was downright devious. Ordinary Ottomans were already resentful of her place in their ruler’s court, but her image worsened after speculation that she had convinced Suleiman to order the 1553 execution of Prince Mustafa, his 38-year-old firstborn son by another woman. In power for decades, the aging Suleiman feared a potential threat to his throne from his popular and strong-willed son, while Roxelana shared an interest in propelling her own sons — who lacked the same level of public popularity — into power. The event also influenced her image abroad as a cold and calculating schemer, as well as a cautionary tale to European princes, Yermolenko adds, who may have been keen on including women in their own courts.
But not so fast, many contemporary historians say: The Ottoman world’s most successful sultan wasn’t easily fooled, and Mustafa’s execution may well have been Suleiman’s sober-minded choice. More accurate, they believe, would be to portray the power couple as mutually reinforcing — and, yes, in love. “Just about everything about her [Roxelana] has been so embellished,” Yermolenko says, “that at this point, it is very hard to separate fact from fiction.”
Roxelana died in 1558, a few years before one of her children with Suleimain, Selim II, succeeded his father to the throne. Claiming her spot in history alongside other powerful women who began as mistresses, such as King Louis XV’s Madame de Pompadour, the Ottoman “empress” may not have been universally loved. But in true revolutionary spirit, she would change the Turkish empire for generations to come — regardless of what anyone thought.
Dan Peleschuk, OZY Author
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