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The human trafficking market in Tunisia is not as sizeable as in other countries in North Africa, but it is still a concern. Several cases of trafficking involve sub-Saharan African women being exploited for domestic servitude and in the nightclub industry. Men from West Africa are mainly trafficked for labour exploitation purposes. However, Tunisian nationals also account for a significant share of victims of human trafficking. In , more than half the victims identified by the authorities were women and children. It is expected that this criminal market will increase in size to the rise of human smuggling, as these crimes often overlap. Tunisia is both a source country for migrants and an increasingly important transit zone for individuals moving from Africa to Europe, with Italy being the primary destination. There has also been a dramatic increase in the number of foreign migrants embarking from the country during the same time period, cementing Tunisia as a key transit country for irregular migration in the region. Rising migration has relied in part on human smuggling networks, which exist all along the Tunisian coast. It has also fueled a rise in self-smuggling, where migrants pool funds to purchase equipment and depart autonomously. While extortion and protection racketeering are generally minimal in the country, small-scale activities of this nature do take place in irregular car parking lots. Individuals often work in networks to collect parking fees, controlling select areas or working in areas where there are mass events, suggesting that the vehicles of those who refuse to pay might be damaged. While arms trafficking remains an issue in Tunisia it is not as widespread as other forms of illicit trafficking. Some networks that smuggle firearms into the country store them in deserted places. While some smuggled weapons have allegedly been used in terrorist attacks, most have been sold on to hunters or residents of rural areas. Counterfeit goods such as clothing, toys, perfume and cosmetics are prevalent and are often sold by street vendors or in shops. Economic difficulties have led to an increased demand for these goods, with most Tunisians preferring to buy counterfeit products, which has had a negative impact on formal trade. There is also illicit trade in excise goods, such as cigarettes and alcohol. The alcoholic beverage market is rife with illegal activity, including illegal imports to avoid taxes. It is difficult to obtain retail licences for the sale of alcohol and the complex regulatory process has led to low- and mid-level police officers abusing their powers. Tunisia is also a destination country for illicit cigarettes, with high local demand stemmed by the price differences. Authorities are working to crack down on contraband goods, including cigarettes and alcohol, and goods have been seized in various parts of the country. However, political leaders are reluctant to streamline the application processes for alcohol retail licences because of various factors, including the monopoly of certain companies in this sector. These conditions may favour the expansion of the black market in alcohol unless significant steps are taken to address them. The illegal flora market in Tunisia is growing, with reports of illegal logging of Algerian oak trees to produce charcoal prevalent in the north-western Ain Draham region. The recent clearing of eucalyptus trees for the Bouhartma Dam in Jendouba, overseen by a contractor operating illegally in the area, has contributed to the destruction of old-growth forests and there have been reports of locals logging cedar and fir illegally in the Rif Mountains of the Maghreb countries. Corrupt forestry officers and the economic toll exacted by the COVID restrictions have facilitated this practice. Wildfires have further exacerbated the problem, with almost all of them attributed to human recklessness and intentional criminal activity. The illegal trade in wild animals remains a significant issue in Tunisia, particularly in the southern desert regions, where wealthy Gulf Arabs engage in indiscriminate hunting. The animals are smuggled illegally through regulated export chains and sold at high prices in international markets. Environmental associations have raised concerns about the hunting of endangered animal species such as houbara and deer during legal hunting seasons. In relation to non-renewable resources, there has been a gradual increase in fuel smuggling from Algeria and Libya since , and copper theft is prevalent, with perpetrators often acting in organized groups. Theft of copper wire from public infrastructure frequently results in public lighting, telephones and internet services being unavailable for extended periods. Heroin smuggling has increased in Tunisia. Most of this is believed to be smuggled into the country by passengers on commercial aircraft or ferries. It largely caters to domestic consumers in coastal urban areas. However, a cluster of arrests in the interior governorate of Gafsa suggests that heroin use may also be an issue in rural areas. Similarly, the cocaine trade has also expanded. In terms of consumption, Tunisia has seen a rise in cocaine usage, although it remains a relatively expensive and uncommon drug. The trade in cannabis and synthetic drugs are also widespread and on the rise, having a significant negative impact on Tunisian society. Cannabis is the most widely consumed drug in the country and its affordability and accessibility have led to an increase in consumption, particularly among middle- and high-school students. While strict laws against drug possession have contributed to a dramatic increase in the incarceration of first-time offenders, calls to abolish the law have gained significant traction. Synthetic drugs continue to be smuggled into Tunisia from Europe and neighbouring countries through different routes. There is also some smuggling of synthetic drugs, Pregabalin in particular, into Algeria and Libya. Generally, these synthetics are procured from hospitals or pharmacies, before being smuggled out of the country via small networks. Ecstasy, previously predominantly consumed by wealthy youths, has become more accessible and its use has spread to low-income neighbourhoods. Authorities have seized large numbers of ecstasy pills and Pregabalin hidden in cars and luggage. The use of subutex, a semi-synthetic opioid, and lysergic acid diethylamide are also on the rise in the country, often smuggled in by Tunisian nationals. Tunisia's dynamic tourism industry provides both a cover and a potential market for such drugs. The Tunisian government recognizes the growing risk of cyber-dependent crime and is seeking to enhance international support to combat it. The industrial sector appears to be the primary target of cyber-attacks, with losses estimated at millions of dinars per year. Conversely, the Tunisian financial sector is reportedly better protected against such attacks than the government. Overall, the number of cyber-attacks in Tunisia is increasing exponentially, with traces of state-sponsored attacks targeting the country. Financial crimes such as tax evasion and avoidance, achieved through mis-invoicing and abusive transfer pricing, result in annual losses of over half a billion dollars. Organized financial crimes involving high-level political actors and prominent businesspeople are well documented, with sports-betting rings emerging as a niche for corruption in professional sports leagues. These crimes often have transnational links and involve complex financial schemes. It is essential to pay particular attention to multinational corporations that exploit the tax code in Tunisia to shift profits to tax havens. Widespread corruption is facilitated by state-embedded actors, including politicians, bureaucrats, law enforcement officials and judges, who aid or directly engage in criminal activities. Citizens often bribe officials to gain access to public services. There are numerous reports of corruption among customs and police services, which allegedly protect trafficking networks or allow criminal suspects to cross borders. Private sector actors are also involved in criminal activities, particularly in sports betting and money laundering, with some Tunisian businessmen and companies implicated in illegal transactions. Fake recruitment agencies and some private employment companies are involved in trafficking girls, foreign nationals and Tunisian women, who are forced into prostitution. Several small networks dominate the criminal landscape in the country and are involved in a variety of activities, including human trafficking and the smuggling of counterfeit goods, although organized crime groups engaged in these activities may have different structures and levels of organization. Human trafficking networks are very small-scale and composed of brokers who act as intermediaries and lure foreign or national victims into exploitative situations. The informal trade in goods, on the other hand, is almost inextricably linked to more structured criminal networks and represents a systemic issue with deep economic and social ramifications, accounting for a significant portion of Tunisia's gross domestic product. The criminal mafia in Tunisia, which specializes in drug trafficking, robbery, theft and currency smuggling, is generally centered on family-based organization, which exist in various regions of the country. Although there are a few structured networks whose operations may be classified as mafia style, they are limited in number and scope. The presence of foreign actors in Tunisia has been declining in recent years and is currently limited. The lack of governmental stability has led to a loss of faith in state institutions. Moreover, the absence of significant action against corruption, along with the systematic undermining of state institutions, the concentration of power and the erosion of the rule of law since the coup have caused general disillusionment, even among the current president's allies. While the official discourse often attributes Tunisia's many issues to organized crime, this is largely an exaggeration used to justify problems such as the shortage of food products and other goods, including sugar, rice, bottled water and petroleum derivatives. Tunisia's accountability systems are inadequate. The new Constitution does not provide for adequate checks and balances, leading to violations of and attacks on constitutional freedoms and rights. Anti-corruption legislation has been weak in the past. In , the National Commission for the Fight against Corruption was shut down by the authorities. The political instability in the country has had no effect on international cooperation over organized crime. In fact, efforts to cooperate over cybersecurity resilience have increased. However, the Tunisian state still has no clear crime prevention and anti-crime policies to deal with organized crime. Although the law provides for severe penalties for drug trading, the trade has spread remarkably in recent years. The law that criminalizes cannabis, its cultivation, promotion and consumption, has proved ineffective. There are also challenges with the implementation of anti-smuggling and anti-trafficking laws. The government is taking steps to address the emerging cyber-related crime trend and improve cybersecurity measures, particularly in critical sectors like finance and telecommunications, but while there is a national cybersecurity strategy in place, there is also substantial room for improvement in implementing it. The judicial system faces many challenges and limitations, including politicization, lack of independence, understaffing and limited specialized expertise. The dissolution by the president of the Supreme Judicial Council and the creation of a temporary council have raised concerns about his authority to dismiss judges who violate their professional duties, without specifically defining these duties. Civilians, particularly those accused of defaming the army, can be tried in military courts. The president's assumption of new powers has weakened the judiciary, resulting in judges being fired and multiple cases of judicial inquiries initiated under political instructions. The judiciary also lacks funding and human resources and several high-level positions remain vacant. The prison system is dysfunctional. The Tunisian police force is facing mounting condemnation for its use of violence against protesters and detainees, with reports of physical and moral violations during arrests and interrogations in security and detention centres. Human rights organizations and civil society activists are calling for the police to respect the law and the guarantees given to the accused, including access to medical examination, lawyers and family. Tunisia has generally been able to control its territory, with strengthened border security and limited reported cases of friction between the army and terrorists. However, some forms of smuggling continue to be tolerated, and corruption of border security officials remains an issue. In terms of cybersecurity, Tunisia has strong legal and technical measures, but weaknesses in organizational matters. Tunisia has made efforts to combat money laundering and terrorism financing, especially after being blacklisted in , which eventually led to the country being delisted in While there has been progress in prosecuting entities and individuals suspected of money laundering and terrorist financing, there is still room for improvement. Investigative and prosecutorial efforts have been selective, often ignoring the wealthiest and most powerful actors, unless there is political intervention. However, the country is currently facing one of its worst economic crises since independence, aggravated by political strife and the COVID pandemic. The informal economy is expanding, while there are few economic opportunities due to high inflation, unemployment, marginalization, regional economic inequality, under development and an absence of effective reforms. The government's inability to access global financial markets and mobilize state resources has exacerbated the situation. Despite improvements in the investment policy frameworks, economic policies have stagnated or declined. The Tunisian government has made efforts to support victims and prevent human trafficking, but there are still shortcomings in the country's approach. While the government has provided trafficking victims with healthcare and assisted in their repatriation and reintegration, NGOs have reported that the limited number of ministries that can officially identify trafficking victims has slowed the process of victim identification and access to services. In addition, the process of providing exemption from visa penalties for foreign trafficking victims is slow and cumbersome and authorities may have punished some victims for unlawful acts traffickers compelled them to commit. The government's approach is heavily security focused and there is still work to be done in preventing human trafficking. The National Authority established an evaluation and follow-up unit responsible for treating the root causes of trafficking, disseminating information and preventing child labour and the exploitation of women and children abroad. However, the results of the unit's work are not visible on the ground and the suspension of the independent anti-corruption authority are worrying signs. Moreover, growing hostility towards civil society organizations involved in victim and witness support activities may further undermine the state's capacity to protect victims and whistleblowers. Press freedom in Tunisia has deteriorated since the elections, with politicians openly attacking journalists. Although an independent commission supervises audio-visual media, journalists have reportedly faced growing pressure and intimidation from government officials, particularly since the president announced his exceptional powers in July The virtual boycott by the president and prime minister of local media outlets has greatly curtailed the work of journalists and undermined people's right to access information. Many journalists practise self-censorship to avoid angering the president and his supporters. There has also been institutional hostility to civil society organizations and NGOs, with the government directly accusing those who are funded by international parties of treason and anti-patriotism and using the judiciary to prosecute journalists, activists, lawyers and political figures. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. Capital Tunis. Population 12,, Geography type Coastal. Income group Lower middle income. GINI Index Criminal markets 5. Human trafficking 4. Human smuggling 8. Extortion and protection racketeering 2. Arms trafficking 3. Trade in counterfeit goods 6. Illicit trade in excisable goods 5. Flora crimes 3. Fauna crimes 5. Non-renewable resource crimes 5. Heroin trade 3. Cocaine trade 4. Cannabis trade 7. Synthetic drug trade 6. Cyber-dependent crimes 4. Financial crimes 8. Criminal actors 3. Mafia-style groups 1. Criminal networks 4. State-embedded actors 6. Foreign actors 2. Private sector actors 4. Government transparency and accountability 4. International cooperation 5. National policies and laws 6. Judicial system and detention 3. Law enforcement 4. Territorial integrity 6. Anti-money laundering 5. Economic regulatory capacity 3. Victim and witness support 4. Prevention 3. Non-state actors 4. Analysis Download full profile english. People The human trafficking market in Tunisia is not as sizeable as in other countries in North Africa, but it is still a concern. Trade While arms trafficking remains an issue in Tunisia it is not as widespread as other forms of illicit trafficking. Environment The illegal flora market in Tunisia is growing, with reports of illegal logging of Algerian oak trees to produce charcoal prevalent in the north-western Ain Draham region. Drugs Heroin smuggling has increased in Tunisia. Cyber Crimes The Tunisian government recognizes the growing risk of cyber-dependent crime and is seeking to enhance international support to combat it. Financial Crimes Financial crimes such as tax evasion and avoidance, achieved through mis-invoicing and abusive transfer pricing, result in annual losses of over half a billion dollars. Criminal Actors Widespread corruption is facilitated by state-embedded actors, including politicians, bureaucrats, law enforcement officials and judges, who aid or directly engage in criminal activities. Leadership and governance The lack of governmental stability has led to a loss of faith in state institutions. Criminal justice and security The judicial system faces many challenges and limitations, including politicization, lack of independence, understaffing and limited specialized expertise. Economic and financial environment Tunisia has made efforts to combat money laundering and terrorism financing, especially after being blacklisted in , which eventually led to the country being delisted in Civil society and social protection The Tunisian government has made efforts to support victims and prevent human trafficking, but there are still shortcomings in the country's approach. Next Skip.
Addiction and drugs are no longer a taboo in the. Tunisian society and politics. This controversial subject is widely discussed in the media and.
Tunis buy cocaine
Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. The human trafficking market is not as sizeable in Tunisia as in other countries in North Africa but the prevalence of several forms of trafficking is an issue. Several cases of trafficking of Ivorian and Senegalese nationals as domestic workers have been reported. Such victims are allegedly brought to Tunisia through networks involving both nationals from countries of origin and Tunisian nationals. Cases of young women being trafficked to Gulf States for prostitution have also been reported. Domestic human trafficking does exist, involving predominantly young women and children from marginalized areas of the North West, trafficked either for domestic work or to become street beggars in the main cities of Tunisia. Human smuggling is a longstanding but recently growing phenomenon in Tunisia. The problem mainly encompasses Tunisian nationals who try to reach Italian shores, as well as foreign migrants who transit through Tunisia on their way to Europe. Migration to Italy increased during the first wave of the COVID pandemic, where reports highlighted that 4 Tunisians arrived irregularly in Italy in the month of July alone. Tunisia also acts as a transit country for sub-Saharan migrants who first come to Tunisia for work, then attempt to cross to Europe relying on Ivorian—Tunisian smuggling networks. Additionally, Libyan smugglers have established launching points for trans-Mediterranean smuggling from Tunisian beaches in the east. The revolution in Tunisia opened an avenue for the free flow of small and light weapons, where significant quantities of arms were trafficked from Libya to Tunisia, with regular seizures of assault rifles, machine guns, rocket launchers and hand grenades carried out by the authorities in the southern and north-western regions of the country. The existence of terrorist cells in the country and the perpetration of several terrorist attacks since is intertwined with the illegal circulation of weapons. While the number of seizures and attacks has significantly decreased in most of the country since , in the Tunisian authorities announced that they dismantled an arms-trafficking network operating in the south of the country. The illicit market for flora crime in Tunisia is not particularly pervasive. However, the illegal logging of cedar and fir by locals is common and is destroying a significant number of old-growth forests throughout the ecoregion. Meanwhile, the criminal market for fauna crimes in Tunisia primarily concerns the poaching, hunting and trafficking of protected birds, in addition to illegal fishing, overfishing and coral trafficking. Birds and other animals — such as goldfinches and turtles — have also been illegally taken from their natural habitat to be sold on local or international markets. Additionally, the African bustard is frequently the focus of illegal traditional hunts. The most prominent environmental criminal market, however, is that pertaining to non-renewable resource crime, in particular cross-border fuel smuggling. Due to price differentials stemming from oil subsidies in neighbouring countries, oil is systematically smuggled into Tunisia from Algeria, and to a lesser extent Libya, to be sold on the informal market. The illicit oil trade is a significant source of income for many communities, especially those living in border regions. In recent years, the economic marginalization of many of those living in border communities has increased substantially as the Tunisian economy has struggled, which, when combined with the complicity of government authorities, namely customs officials, is a key driver of the fuel smuggling market. Cannabis is the most consumed drug in Tunisia, and cannabis trafficking constitutes a significant market in the country. Cannabis resin is smuggled to Tunisia from Morocco, while transiting through Algeria. Tunisian networks spearhead the distribution of cannabis in the country, but Algerian and West African nationals are also involved in the importation of cannabis. Cross-border trafficking of cannabis between Tunisia, Libya and Algeria is a growing concern. Heroin with very low purity levels appears to mainly be consumed in the southern portion of Tunisia. Some cross-border trafficking occurs with neighbouring Libya and Algeria. However, Tunisian authorities have only seized small amounts of heroin and overall, the market is very limited. Meanwhile, the domestic cocaine market in Tunisia is limited but may be expanding. The market caters to wealthy consumers in major coastal cities, and most of the seizures are occurring in passenger seaports and airports, inbound from Europe. Investigations have revealed the implication of Brazilian, Tunisian and Italian criminal networks. In recent years, Tunisia has experienced an increase in Ecstasy seizures. Ecstasy originates from Europe, where the drug is trafficked by networks of European and Tunisian nationals. Subutex, a semi-synthetic opioid, has also gained popularity in Tunisia. Often, the drug is smuggled into the country by Tunisian nationals. The revolution in Tunisia exposed large-scale corruption schemes at the highest levels of the state apparatus. Following the revolution, corruption became increasingly more apparent at the lower levels of the state. Overall, corruption is widespread, with citizens regularly paying bribes to law enforcement including police officers, customs agents and National Guard officers. Bribes are also frequently paid to administrative officials to facilitate or expedite the access to services normally provided by public institutions. The Tunisian border regions with Algeria and Libya constitute hubs for various forms of trafficking. The populations living in border regions travel regularly across the borders and often depend on trafficking and contraband of goods for revenue. For this reason, networks that traffic goods and contraband are not always considered criminal inside these regions. Samsaras usually come from the same regions as the girls they employ and operate either on their own or with the help of facilitators who establish the connection with the employers. Currently, there is no evidence of mafia-style groups operating in Tunisia. Political parties in Tunisia appear to put prevention and the fight against organized crime on their agenda on a case-by-case basis. The country still has no national crime prevention, anti-crime policy, or national crime prosecution policy. In recent years, the government launched a national campaign against corruption and contraband networks. This initiative has been criticized for using extra-judicial arrests and lacking efficiency. Overall, there is limited political will to address organized crime. On the international level, Tunisia has ratified most major international treaties pertaining to organized crime with the exception of the Arms Trade Treaty. On the domestic level, Tunisia has a very robust legal framework pertaining to organized crime, including strong legislation related to drug trafficking, terrorism, money laundering and human trafficking legislation. In Tunisia, judges are considered to be independent from political elites since the fall of the former regime in However, the judicial sector has a reputation of being overwhelmed by a heavy workload. Meanwhile, prisons in Tunisia are seen as a breeding ground for organized crime. In terms of law enforcement, the National Guard and the National Police force have had a tremendous increase in their capacities to tackle organized crime, thanks mostly to international assistance. However, competition between the two hinders the adequate management of investigations. Tunisia's borders with Algeria and Libya are porous, particularly in the years following the revolution. Since , the mountains of Chaambi have been declared a military zone, with regular conflicts taking place between terrorist factions and the Tunisian army. Tunisia does not have the capacity to fully enforce its borders in this area and to prevent movements of terrorists across borders. Tunisia's formal economic sector is still recovering from the revolution, following decades of state capture and kleptocracy. In , a transversal law on the business climate was enacted. The law aims to improve the investment climate by implementing several reforms related to the process of establishing a business, public—private partnership and reducing bureaucracy for new businesses. However, the Tunisian economy was hit particularly hard by the COVID pandemic and many communities across the country are economically marginalized. As such, the Tunisian economy still heavily relies on the informal sector, in particular in the border regions neighbouring Algeria and Libya. Overall, Tunisia has been assessed very positively for its anti-money laundering efforts. In , the EU Commission grey-listed the country as a non-cooperative jurisdiction in tax matters. To make matters worse, in Tunisia was blacklisted by the European Parliament as a country at risk of money laundering. Since then, however, the government has deployed efforts to foster international assistance for its banking and insurance sectors as well as institutions tasked with the monitoring and investigation of money laundering and financing of terrorism. Progress has been made and Tunisia was eventually taken off the blacklist in October In Tunisia, all tribunals offer legal aid for civil and criminal cases. However, these services suffer from the heavy workload of the justice system. Meanwhile, there are no tangible crime prevention strategies or policies in Tunisia. Prevention strategies focusing on de-radicalization and youth are developed mostly by civil-society organizations and youth centres across the country, with the support of international organizations. Civil society is a vocal and active actor in many sectors, including security justice reform. A decree law adopted in protects media freedom. There is also an independent commission that supervises the audio-visual media in accordance with another decree law adopted in However, the climate for the media and journalists has reportedly worsened since the election. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Capital Tunis. Income group Lower middle income. Population 11,, Geography type Coastal. Criminal markets 4. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 4. Human smuggling 7. Arms trafficking 5. Flora crimes 3. Fauna crimes 3. Non-renewable resource crimes 5. Heroin trade 2. Cocaine trade 3. Cannabis trade 5. Synthetic drug trade 4. Criminal actors 3. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 1. Criminal networks 4. State-embedded actors 5. Foreign actors 3. Political leadership and governance 4. Government transparency and accountability 5. International cooperation 5. National policies and laws 6. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 4. Law enforcement 4. Territorial integrity 5. Anti-money laundering 5. Economic regulatory capacity 4. Victim and witness support 4. Prevention 3. Non-state actors 5. Analysis Download full profile english. People The human trafficking market is not as sizeable in Tunisia as in other countries in North Africa but the prevalence of several forms of trafficking is an issue. Trade The revolution in Tunisia opened an avenue for the free flow of small and light weapons, where significant quantities of arms were trafficked from Libya to Tunisia, with regular seizures of assault rifles, machine guns, rocket launchers and hand grenades carried out by the authorities in the southern and north-western regions of the country. Environment The illicit market for flora crime in Tunisia is not particularly pervasive. Drugs Cannabis is the most consumed drug in Tunisia, and cannabis trafficking constitutes a significant market in the country. Criminal Actors The revolution in Tunisia exposed large-scale corruption schemes at the highest levels of the state apparatus. Leadership and governance Political parties in Tunisia appear to put prevention and the fight against organized crime on their agenda on a case-by-case basis. Criminal justice and security In Tunisia, judges are considered to be independent from political elites since the fall of the former regime in Economic and financial environment Tunisia's formal economic sector is still recovering from the revolution, following decades of state capture and kleptocracy. Civil society and social protection In Tunisia, all tribunals offer legal aid for civil and criminal cases. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.
Tunis buy cocaine
The most prevalent drugs were Subutex and Temgesic (%), heroin (%), cocaine (%), benzodiazepines (7%), crack (%), Artane (%), and ecstasy (
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Meanwhile, the domestic cocaine market in Tunisia is limited but may be expanding. Cocaine in Tunisia appears to be derived from larger shipments, which move.
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