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Summary: I spent barely a week in Panama, with one day running up and down its highest mountain, Volcan Baru , after a hectic bus detour from the main highway. The Puente de las Americas over the Panama Canal provided a fitting landmark to end the first half of my adventure — I had crossed all of North and Central America before I hastily packed my bike into a box to catch a plane on Christmas Eve for a 2 week break at home in Florida. I take it easy in the morning and sleep until almost 7am, then have coffee and cereal in the room while checking email and Skype with Jill. I leave at am. The first leg is about 20km to the border at Paso Canoas. The road slopes slightly uphill, so I make slower progress than planned. There the by now familiar truck backup and lots of people everywhere. Leaving Costa Rica is easy, but entering Panama today takes a long time. I have to wait 1. After the border the Carreterra Panamericana is a 4-lane divided highway. From a little hilltop I can see rain at the bottom of the hill. So I stop and wait out the shower under the roof of a weigh station. Eventually I continue with the backpack in the drybag. I stop for some coke and food at a super-market. Just as I get ready to leave it starts raining. This time I take the chance and start riding, trying to escape the rain cloud due to tailwind and some downhill. I succeed and stay ahead of the rain, mostly dry. I find the bus terminal and a hotel where I can leave my bike. I change at a public restroom and arrange for bike storage overnight. Boquete is a lovely little town at the foot of the mountains, with little rivers of clear mountain water running right through the middle of town. The whole setup reminds me a lot of some little mountain towns in Bavaria or Austria. To bed in a small dorm room at 11pm. Lots of hills today. Very hot riding, with temperatures up to 36C, which make the hills extremely difficult. I realize that there are about km remaining to Panama City, so with a few long days I figure I can make it there in 4 days without taking a bus. Once at the top of the second hill I reach a small settlement and look for a place to spend the night. I buy some coke to quench my insatiable thirst and inquire at the shop about places to stay. As it turns out, they recommend I ask at the police station next door. And luckily they take me in and allow me to pitch my tent on their grounds. Yet another night at a police or fire fighter station…. There I buy a 2l bottle of orange juice. With that I come back to the hotel for brunch. Over coffee, pancakes small and spaghetti bolognese big I check email and do some Christmas shopping. I stop at 70km, 88km and km Aguadulce for refreshments. I have some coke and pastries at a Panaderia, then ask for Internet and it takes me a while to find the one of the two in town which is open. Email and Skype with Jill. Then to the restaurant near the hotel for dinner — they are run by the same family. Nice dinner conversation with the owner and then for a shower in the room! Needed this one badly after two days of sweating like crazy! There I find a restaurant with WiFi at the second attempt and check email and Skype over breakfast twice pancakes and once ham omelette. I hardly stop for the next couple of hours, just to buy some orange soda or coke. You need to be that thirsty and craving milk products to experience how good this drink tastes. I skype again and soon head out for the last leg, some 30km to Capira. Thankfully the sky has cleared and no rain showers today. There is a nice m hill in store at the end of the day. Given that I still have enough daylight and leg energy I actually enjoy this one; it reminds me of the Pass Thurn near Mittersill in Austria. And once near the pass I get a nice view of the surrounding mountains and the bay and Ocean. The sun is setting as I crest the pass and I roll down the other side to Capira. There is only one hotel on the main road in this little town, and it is in decrepit shape, obviously abandoned and closed. I ask but already know: There is no other hotel in town. So what to do? Well, I pull the firefighter card again: coming into town I noticed a fire-station; I ride back there and ask them for hotels or campgrounds. They promptly offer me to pitch my tent on their grounds. Ride along poor quality cement road with bad shoulder. Last stretch to Puente de las Americas is really bad, narrow and nonstop traffic. Very scenic crossing of Panama Canal over tall bridge. When rolling over the crest of the bridge and down the other side emotions are welling up and I cry a few tears of joy. I reach Panama City at 55 km, rolling along Avenida Balboa along bike path. Very similar to Miami. Breakfast, but no time to relax; then on cuota to Tocumen another 18km. There hotel, shower, bike shop for bike box, laundry, bought tape, cleaned and disassembled bike into the box, Blog, Skype, email, photo upload, dinner, packing bags…. All rights reserved. Blix Theme by Sebatian Schmieg. Icons by Kevin Potts. Powered by WordPress. Log in. Panamerican Peaks Project. Panama Summary: I spent barely a week in Panama, with one day running up and down its highest mountain, Volcan Baru , after a hectic bus detour from the main highway. Photo album of Panama and Volcan Baru. Back to Rides page. There hotel, shower, bike shop for bike box, laundry, bought tape, cleaned and disassembled bike into the box, Blog, Skype, email, photo upload, dinner, packing bags… Thursday, December 24 Flight home from Panama City to Miami for 2 week vacation over Christmas and New Year at home with family.

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Tocumen buying coke

By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. This article examines the historic transition of the Panama Canal from the United States to Panama and analyzes how this transition transformed the relationship between the US and Panama. We argue that the relatively peaceful transition of the Canal from the US to Panama, despite its flaws, ultimately allowed Panama to overcome a history of occupation, to gain long-awaited sovereignty over its territory and to expand its role in the international community. With the acquisition of the Canal, and the lengthy transition period which allowed adequate time for Panamanians to master Canal operations, Panama has become an essential player in the global economy and now uses the Canal as a catalyst for national economic growth. The transition, as well as the divergent interests of both actors, changed the historically asymmetric relationship between the US and Panama. While the US remains dominant, Panama has solidified its sovereignty. Journal of Political and Military Sociology, During the decline of the dictatorship stage one , four transitions -- two electoral, and two negotiations for an elite settlement -- were attempted but failed. Consequently, Panama did not experience a normal second, transitional stage. Challenges and progress in consolidating democracy the third stage are assessed with special attention to restoration of civilian governance, democratic habits and values, and demilitarization-- a central priority of the new regime. By Michael L. Conniff and Gene E. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN: By James P. Hanselmann, and Dominique Rissolo. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, By Marixa Lasso. The Panama Railroad. By Peter Pyne. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, By Gloria Rudolf. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology , In this article, I connect covert denial of citizenship rights with tourism development to explain why Panama presents itself as a police-free state. I apply these concepts to the development of tourism in the archipelago of Bocas del Toro to illustrate how the processes of governmentality and world-making are experienced by Afro-Panamanians at the local level when tourism is imposed from above. World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Guerron Montero. Panama's Poor: Victims, Agents, and Historymakers gloria rudolf. The Politics of Intervention - Panama and U. Its running of the Panama Canal is indisputably successful, its post-Noriega elections appear to be relatively corruption free, the multibillion dollar expansion of the Canal and the modernization of its transportation system are in full swing—all ostensibly signs of a developed country, but appearances can be deceiving. Dig deeper, and perils emerge: an increase in gangs and drug trafficking, a huge disparity between the wealthy and the poor, and an emerging threat to democracy. Its running of the Panama Canal is indisputably successful, its post-Noriega elections appear to be relatively corruption free, and the multibillion dollar expansion of the Canal and the modernization of its transportation system are in full swing—all ostensibly signs of a developed country, but appearances can be deceiving. Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Drugs, Thugs, and the Diablos Rojos the United States determine their fate, but recent developments indicate that tolerance for this elitist government is wearing thin. Despite the perils that persist, recent progress in Panama reflects an evolving relationship and a slow but promising move toward citizenship. Theoretical Framework Lucy Taylor, of the Department of International Politics, University of Wales , focuses on the importance of citizenship and the problems of client-ship. Both Panamanian and extraterritorial elites have seen Panama as a function of its strategic location, and thus have sought to deepen its insertion into the world commercial system by enhancing the mechanism by which the location is exploited. For most of the twentieth century, democracy was sacrificed in order to maintain the political stability demanded by world commercial interests. Peril: Transporte Transportation The focus on infrastructure surrounding the Canal has meant that, for most Panamanians, commuting is sometimes dangerous and is often a test of patience. The poor road conditions make it difficult for Panamanians living in rural areas, especially rural indigenous areas, to access urban centers IDB, Primitive roads and traffic congestion result in long commutes for workers, some of whom must rise by 4 a. Infrastructure has been tailored to meet the needs of foreign investors and the Panamanian elite, who benefit from the Canal and businesses associated with the Canal. More than , cars commute through Panama City daily Winner, d. The extremely dangerous public transportation amplified this desire for a car. Diablos Rojos were introduced under General Omar Torrijos in a populist gesture. He wanted to take away control, and the resulting profit from transportation, from the elite. The Diablos Rojos were and still are, with some remaining on the streets essentially second-hand school buses purchased from the United States by private entrepreneurs in Panama and then painted with wild and sometimes beautiful murals. The seats, windows, and doors of these buses are scaled more for children, and the buses are intended for more moderate climates. They are not designed for adult passengers in a tropical environment Menendez, Although a sight to behold and arguably a cultural icon, the buses have been a hazard to the environment and to the public U. Department of State, Until recently, bus drivers raced between stops, disobeying traffic laws, as they competed for passengers and money. Passengers, who consisted primarily of low-income workers and school children, endured deafening music, poor ventilation, and serious overcrowding. To ensure payment, the back doors of the bus were typically sealed, allowing only one way in and out Menendez, , which sometimes led to passengers being trapped when accidents occurred. In January , 40 passengers were injured riding a speeding bus driven by a year-old engaged in a race. The bus careened out of control and flipped over Newsroom Panama, b. Unfortunately, this type of accident is not uncommon with the Diablos Rojos: Spot checks by transit police have turned up large numbers of drivers under the influence of drugs or alcohol, without driving licenses, or with large accumulated unpaid fines for previous offenses. Many of the buses are without rear lights or reflectors. The Diablos Rojos are responsible for a large number of traffic fatalities each year. The last major incident involving racing buses involved the deaths of two people, including the pavo the man who stands on the step calling out destinations and trying to recruit passengers , who was decapitated Newsroom Panama, b. Drugs, Thugs, and the Diablos Rojos Perhaps the most notorious incidents were when 38 died after a bus fell from the Bridge of the Americas and when 18 were trapped and burned to death when a Diablo Rojo caught fire Newsroom Panama, b. Those who rode the Diablos Rojos risked life and limb to do so, but no affordable alternatives were available. Protests reached new heights after a bus driver, who owed thousands of dollars in unpaid fines, struck and killed a teenage girl. These highways are enormously helpful to those who own cars and can afford to pay the tolls and those on bus routes that use these highways. They facilitate travel to the airport, a great benefit for foreigners and the elite, and to the interior, where many of the elite own beach houses. Many areas in the countryside still lack paved roads. It is expected that an estimated kilometers of priority roads will be improved and 1, kilometers of the National Road Network extended in the next 5 years IDB, Half of the rail line will be underground, and half will be elevated. The plans call for the metro rail to run from the bus terminal on Albrook to San Miguelito, one of the poorest neighborhoods in Panama City The Panama News, It is primarily designed to transfer working people between outlying neighborhoods and the city center to ease rush hour traffic congestion. It is crucial that Panamanians use the new system so that it will be economically viable, and Panamanians are not going to use it unless it is affordable, convenient, and easy to use. Metro Bus The government is finally doing away with the Diablos Rojos and replacing them with a new metro bus system. Not surprisingly, the new metro buses will cost passengers more money. The government of Panama plans to subsidize the difference between the current and new bus fares for the first year or at least until all of the buses are delivered. Don Winner observes that many people from the outlying areas of Panama have to transfer between buses for their journey to work, which takes up to two hours c. Under the new system, passengers will pay only one fare for buses boarded within 90 minutes of initial purchase Business News Americas, , which may result in those with lengthy commutes paying less money for safer and more comfortable transportation with the new metro buses, but a 1-year subsidy is a short-term solution; without the subsidy, the change in fare will negatively affect the typical Panamanian worker, reducing income and reinforcing class divisions. New and Improved Drivers The buses are not the only part of the busing system slated for improvements. Although it is currently struggling with a shortage of capable drivers, Panama has announced that it is committed to training Panamanians and will not allow foreign drivers to fill these positions La Prensa, c. Vice president of Partido Popular and former congresswoman Teresita Yaniz de Arias notes that, if the new metro rail system is going to be effective, the people of Panama will have to be provided with education on how to use it It must be affordable and have enough stops in working-class areas to allow accessibility. Still, cronyism, corruption, and misuse of funds, which have long plagued the government of Panama, could cause delays and threaten the success of these projects and their usefulness to the citizenry. Finally, Panama must work to improve its culture of maintenance. These improvements, if made affordable, could increase education and employment opportunities for the poor, expand their opportunities to participate in and access government, and pave the way for citizenship. Peril: Pobreza Poverty There is no greater peril in Panama than that of being poor. More than one third of Panamanians live in poverty and approximately Twelve percent of children younger than 5 years old are malnourished BTI, This contrast pales in comparison with that seen between urban and rural indigenous areas. Despite years of economic growth, Panama remains one of the most unequal countries in the world. With a score of This dichotomy is evident in the cities but even more so in the countryside. The most disadvantaged sector is, without a doubt, the indigenous. According to sociologist Raul Leis, indigenous poverty has historic roots in discrimination, segregation, and economic subordination, themes dominant from the time of the Spanish conquest. Leis also points to extreme regional differences between the rural interior and the transit zone, which is relatively well equipped with infrastructure and services Samaniego, Indigenous people living in the more remote areas of Panama in comarcas, semi-autonomous indigenous territories, are substantially more impoverished than the average Panamanian. As of , an abysmal Some must travel great distances to get to schools or a health center, requiring them to walk for hours with sick children in tow. The average rate of death for children under five is 62 for every 1, live births, considerably higher than the national average of Only one in three children continue their education after elementary school Mojica, Although the public education system as a whole in Panama is plagued with problems, those in urban areas have access to better education that those in outlying areas. All poor Panamanians face challenges in accessing education at the preschool, primary, and secondary levels. There is a serious lack of interest in secondary education among male urban youth World Bank, , which leaves them vulnerable to being recruited by gangs and drug traffickers. According to one U. Those who have the means avoid the public school system altogether, paying substantial amounts to send their children to private school. Poor students who enroll in school often lack textbooks and bilingual materials. They experience a shortage of teachers and attend schools that are crumbling around them World Bank, Public school teachers are poorly paid; there is no testing in the Panamanian school system and no accountability to ensure that standards are met. The standards for hiring teachers are low, with few hard-andfast requirements. Particularly in remote or dangerous areas, almost any candidate is eligible to teach, even if he or she has not completed high school Teresita Cerutti, personal communication, July 15, Those who are able to send their children to private school, guaranteeing further neglect of public schools because the poor lack the clout to push for needed improvements. Improvements in education are essential for reducing poverty, for modernizing Panama, and for allowing Panamanians opportunities. Department of State, a. In addition, the unemployment rate in Panama decreased significantly between and Chart 1. Based on estimates, the unemployment rate in Panama 4. Unlike some countries, Panama has the resources and the potential to further reduce poverty and income disparity. Despite the recent global economic crisis, Panama experienced 2. Development indicators are favorable. UNDP development index. On the Human Development Index, Panama improved from 0. Marginalized areas tend to receive less than half the amount in government funds of higher developed areas. Development is more challenging because their culture and ethnic identity must be taken into account Samaniego, Martinelli asserted that these funds would change the lives of the indigenous GOP, a. The Panamanian government and the international community are also making efforts to improve access to health care and education in Panama. Increasing access to education for indigenous children living in remote rural areas is a difficult, complicated task. Many of these children have to walk long distances and traverse rivers and hills to attend government schools. This trek is not only exhausting, but also dangerous. During the rainy season, parents often do not send their children to school because the rivers are too treacherous to cross UNICEF, Students who fail will lose this subsidy, which may make it less effective as a deterrent to joining gangs La Estrella, Although granting a set amount to students in low-income families can be important in providing clothes and school supplies that allow the child to go to school, it does not address the quality of the education that children will receive when they get to school. Furthermore, this program lacks accountability in that there is no way to know how the money will be spent once the family receives it Teresita Cerutti, personal communication, July 15, This is essential for Panamanians to improve their own lot but also to contribute to their country and have a voice in how it is run, in other words, to fully participate as citizens. Without the education to get rewarding jobs that provide a decent living, options shrink, criminality rises, and drugs and gangs become more appealing. Peril: Pandillas Gangs One of the most challenging perils that Panama faces today is the growth of gangs. Gangs represent the worst that organized civil society has to offer. In this case, the valuable asset is the youth of Panama. Panamanian youth are facing competition for their loyalty between drug trafficking organizations, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia FARC , gangs, and what could be called legitimate civil society. Gangs, known as maras or pandillas in Panama, were practically unknown in Panama until the early s. Reports note that there were approximately 88 gangs detected in Panama in In , estimates ranged from InSight, to According to the National Police, in , there were gangs with approximately 3, members GOP, in this country of just over 3. More worrisome is the fact that many of these gangs are allied with drug traffickers, which can transform gang membership from petty crime to a lucrative career. Recent developments have given credence to speculation that Panamanian pandillas are forming connections with gangs in other countries. Authorities suspect that seven gangs in Panama may be in league with MS When the gangs are loosely structured, police are still able to penetrate them. As they become more disciplined, they are able to evade law enforcement by dividing into cells. Consolidation also makes gangs more powerful and more violent. The majority of the gang members are aged 13 to 21 Vargas, In addition, a high poverty rate, unequal distribution of income, and a high school drop-out rate feed the gang population. As previously noted, education and after-school activities are inadequate, particularly outside of Panama City and Colon personal communication, Gangs are now spreading throughout Panama, including to the comarcas. In areas like the Darien, a region of dense jungle that borders Colombia, government and police presence is sparse, and opportunities for education and employment are limited. Their tactics include zero tolerance for gangs and jailing those who have tattoos. This approach, although initially effective in removing gang members from the street, has not solved the overall problem, as evidenced by continued high homicide rates. Moreover, there appear to be unintended consequences to this approach, such as the high number of innocent youth being arrested and subsequently recruited for gang membership and overcrowding in prisons Ribando Seelke, In prison, there is little opportunity for self-improvement; troubled youth, who had limited opportunities when they went into prison, have even fewer after they leave. Progress: Pandillas Gangs In contrast to the harsh talk by Martinelli that the delinquents will only end up in jail or the cemetery La Prensa, e , which devalues those accused of crimes, Panama thus far has taken a softer approach than its neighbors, focusing on publicity about the problem, outreach to youth, and providing alternative activities for at-risk youth. Their program trains youth leaders and gives grants to local nongovernmental organizations NGOs working with at-risk youth. USAID is currently working on training local police to support community initiatives for at-risk youth more effectively. Multiple government agencies, such as the Ministry of Social Development, Ministry of Education, and National Police, are tasked with working with NGOs to attack the roots of delinquency, prevent youth from falling into crime, and rehabilitate those who have become involved in criminal or gang activity through a network of services GOP, Countries in the region recognize that it is necessary to work together to combat the problems of gangs and violence and avoid allowing gangs to move from one country to another to avoid detection. Panama hosted a meeting of government and security ministers to discuss the problem of growing violence. Representatives at the meeting concluded that repression and force would not solve the problem; factors feeding gangs must be addressed, such as the lack of opportunities, social exclusion, school desertion, and a lack of political participation by youth Vargas, The Panamanian government is demonstrating an interest in and a commitment to educating low-income youth so that they will not only have the skills they need to make them employable, but will also be productive members of civil society. Again, the government must ensure that the quality of this education is sufficient to provide the skills needed to function in a democratic society, but these efforts are not enough. To prepare Panamanians to compete in a global economy and allow all classes to participate as civilians, education must be revolutionized so that those public school students receive an education comparable with that of private school students. Peril: Drogas Drugs Drugs and drug trafficking are common sources of violent conflict between gangs. Panama has a quietly evolving and increasing role in the drug war that plagues Latin America. Department of State, a, The U. Panama has developed into a regional commercial air transportation hub, and drug couriers continue to use commercial air flights transiting or originating in Panama to move cocaine and heroin to the U. Competition over various drug routes has contributed to the increase in violence by rival groups in Panama Kraul, Historically, Panama has served as a neutral zone for the Mexican and Colombian cartels to do business, but there is a growing risk that Panama will host drug cartels and drug wars personal communication, FARC has been active in the Darien. They are seeking to establish local branches within Panama anonymous, personal communication, As one U. Gangs are being recruited to work for drug traffickers and are being paid in drugs, which is creating a drug economy in Panama personal communication, The dense jungle terrain on the Panama— Colombia border makes it difficult to patrol Borkan, However, in the last two years the security situation dramatically shifted in Panama. The murder rate climbed from Panamanian authorities attribute the deteriorating security situation in large part to the increase in narcotics trafficking. This increasing drug violence recently motivated the U. Department of State to classify Panama as high in terms of security risks, allowing for additional resources to provide safety measures for embassy staff in Panama City U. According to the U. The allegations of involvement by the police in crime are particularly worrisome and indicative of the pervasive problems with corruption in Panama. Cocaine seizures have increased tremendously in Panama in recent years. The amount of drugs seized in Panama was estimated at Drug traffickers show no signs of slowing. The national police in Panama started off with a drug bust involving 1, kilos of cocaine in the province of Colon shortly after midnight on January 1, Winner, Later the same month, officials confiscated another 2, kilos of cocaine. Prosecutor Javier Caraballo believes that locals forewarn the drug traffickers that the police are coming, thwarting arrests La Prensa, h. There is a battle over the allegiances of the local population; the drug dealers are able to motivate locals to keep their presence secret, allowing, in one case, for a base of as many as FARC in the Darien to operate with impunity until recently Noguera, Taking a more principled stance can be hazardous, as we have seen in Mexico. Combating drug traffickers inevitably leads to conflict and puts the citizenry at risk. Department of State, , — Corruption and weak institutions are advantages for drug traffickers preying on the local population. Progress: Drogas Drugs Outside forces, in the form of U. Panama has built 11 new bases throughout the country and in the Darien from which to conduct air and sea operations to combat drug trafficking Servicio Nacional Aeronaval, n. The camp had been used for drug trafficking and holding hostages. Among the items found were plastic explosives. Authorities are in the process of prosecuting locals they believe to be complicit with FARC; some are charged in connection with the land mines. Mulino characterized the operation as the retaking of the Darien, where for too long, law enforcement has been afraid to become entangled Noguera, Panama and the United States are actively seeking to combat the threat of drug trafficking through Panama. Although the effectiveness of these strategies will have to be gauged over the next few years, it appears that they may be reducing the volume of drugs seized and violence in Panama. It is difficult to discern whether the increase in drug seizures is a reflection of more effective policing or simply an increase in drug trafficking in Panama. Security is essential for the functioning of civil society; without effective institutions to combat drug traffickers, Panamanians cannot hope to enjoy citizenship in their country. Nonetheless, in interviews, many Panamanians expressed resentment about policies that are based on the U. They believe more emphasis could be put on stopping the distributors in the United States. Although the United States will not stop fighting drugs in Panama anytime soon, shifting the focus of this policy from Panama to the United States would provide an important acknowledgment of the U. Department of State, b, p. Most Panamanians who are trafficked remain within the country, although some are transported to Jamaica, where they are exploited sexually U. Department of State, b. Trafficked women and children are often forced into prostitution, but rural children in particular are trafficked to urban areas for child labor purposes. Child pornography, child prostitution, and child slavery are the most-often-reported crimes Protection Project, Some parents, notably in the Darien province, reportedly sell indigenous girls into servitude Lloyd, Rural poverty and economic disparity generate victims for human trafficking, but there are a number of institutional weaknesses that help make Panama ripe for this activity. Although the law prohibits child sex tourism, a recent report indicates that no tourists had been prosecuted for this offense during the reporting period. In the past, the government of Panama did not make efforts to seek victims, and aid to victims has been minimal U. Free-transit agreements and poor border security also contribute to the problem Protection Project, ; U. The government of Panama has begun public awareness campaigns U. Panama participates in a program to combat child pornography spearheaded by the U. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Additionally, in , Panama reformed its immigration policy to include provisions that help combat human trafficking and sexual exploitation. One of the few aspects of the controversial Law 30 of that observers lauded was a section that imposes sanctions for human trafficking Brockwehl, The effect of these sanctions remains to be seen. Considerably more needs to be done to overcome this problem. Department of State recommends that the government of Panama: Amend anti-trafficking laws to prohibit forced labor, including involuntary domestic servitude; intensify law enforcement efforts to investigate and prosecute trafficking offenses and convict and sentence trafficking offenders, including any public officials complicit with trafficking activity; train government officials in anti-trafficking laws and victim identification and care; dedicate more resources for victim services; and develop a formal system for identifying trafficking victims among vulnerable populations, particularly women in prostitution. Changes in this area would represent a significant step forward for citizenship and signal that the government is taking the interests of its vulnerable populations seriously. Perils: Democracia Democracy In recent years, a significant peril has reemerged. Although postinvasion elections have proceeded smoothly and relatively free of corruption, new and troubling developments regarding the democratic process and civil liberties in Panama have emerged under the Martinelli administration. The major concerns about Martinelli revolve under freedom of speech and the press, attempts to undermine the opposition, the rights of labor unions and repression of strikes, and separation of powers. In January , Panamanian lawmakers proposed a law that punishes anyone who insults the President of Panama or any public servant elected by popular vote, strongly supported by Martinelli. If it had passed, the law would have reinstated pre restrictions on the ability to critique any person serving in the government Arcia, Those found to be in violation of the law would have been sentenced to 2 to 4 years of jail, fined, or possibly had to perform public service. Grisel Bethancourt, president of the National College of Journalists, compared the initiative with those of the military dictatorship 21 years ago Arcia, In the face of opposition, Martinelli later changed course and said he would veto the law if it were passed Jackson, The press has become noticeably less free under the Martinelli administration. A pattern of harassment, unexplained detention, and arrests based on charges that are at best questionable has emerged Brockwehl, In addition, Ebrahim Asvat, the president of El Siglo and La Estrella for 9 years, was pressured to resign after he wrote an article critical of Martinelli regarding the deaths of five detainees in a fire in a juvenile detention center in Tocumen La Prensa, g. Asvat reports that the president tried to discredit him and deny the facts presented in the story personal communication, July 26, Even more damning are quotes from former Ambassador to Panama Barbara Stephenson, captured in leaked cables by Wikileaks, that the new Martinelli administration requested assistance with wiretapping. As of February , the prosecutor general of Panama had declined to investigate these allegations, citing a lack of evidence La Prensa, a. Some of the more contentious aspects of the law involved changes to the labor code a change in procedure for law enforcement officers accused of serious crimes, and loosened requirements to perform environmental evaluations before proceeding with government projects that would affect the environment Brockwehl, It is unusual for Panamanian lawmakers to bundle multiple laws into pieces of legislation and even more unusual to lock the Assembly doors while legislation is passed, giving an indication that the Assembly knew there would be public outcry. When banana workers protested, law enforcement officials shot at them. Although the officials used birdshot, not bullets, four strikers died, and hundreds were injured, including some blinded. The fact that 18 people lost all or partial vision caused many to speculate that police had instructed the officers to shoot in the eye Williams Arosemena, At the very least, the large number of deaths and injuries demonstrated that the riot police were not adequately trained to respond to this situation. A commission formed to investigate the riots complained that the government had not acted on its recommendations to reform riot control techniques, investigate the deaths of the strikers, and provide compensation to the victims as of January La Prensa, j. Backlash against the deaths and the law itself led to a temporary suspension of many of its provisions and eventually a repeal of Law 30 in October , but much of the legislation is still in effect, and the Martinelli administration said it would attempt to pass the reforms in separate pieces of legislation La Prensa, c. In addition, over the summer of , Martinelli began talks with Honduran President Porfirio Lobo about importing some 5, Honduran workers, possibly as a signal to Panamanian workers that they are replaceable Brockwehl, Another element of Law 30 that caused much outrage and fear involved a change in a regulation that previously called for police officers who are accused of using excessive force while on duty to be suspended or jailed. Now they are given desk duty instead. Although Law 30 was repealed, this provision was reinstated through Law Although these fears have not been realized, the contrast between the treatment of accused police officers and regular citizens was highlighted in the wake of the aforementioned fire in the juvenile detention center in Tocumen. This speaks to the legitimacy of government; for the public to exercise their rights as citizens, they must be confident that justice will be served when abuses of power or negligence by authorities occurs. When Martinelli was elected, he had a promising start with his proposal to create a Supreme Constitutional Tribunal, whose members Consejo Judicial or the Consejo Superior de la Judicatura would choose. This situation has steadily worsened under the Martinelli administration. A glaring example of justice not pursued that also has national security implications occurred in , when one justice of the Supreme Court alleged that three of his fellow justices gave special consideration and unwarranted favorable rulings to drug traffickers in six separate instances. An independent prosecutorial office is critical to stemming crime. Attorney General4 Ana Matilde Gomez was removed from office in January over allegations, ironically enough, of wiretapping, among other charges, but her case differs significantly from the case against Martinelli in that she ordered wiretapping of a cell phone of a citizen by his request. Gomez was appointed under the previous administration for what was supposed to be a year term. She and others believe she was accused for political reasons, that Martinelli wanted a prosecutor more sympathetic to his administration. Her replacement, Guiseppe Bonissi, resigned on December 24, , after allegations of connections to organized crime Newsroom Panama, a. This instance smacks of patrimonialism, the president seeking to replace functionaries with his allies. A different and even more complex problem in Panama is the relationship between the central government and the indigenous comarcas. The indigenous people are struggling to make the government hear their voices. The indigenous people have long protested the government tendency to use their land when they see fit and are concerned that new changes do not respect the environment. Drugs, Thugs, and the Diablos Rojos Scandals have contributed to the image of a government in trouble. The conflict between the two of them has created an almost carnival-like atmosphere surrounding the government, with Varela refusing to resign and accusing the president of corruption Garrido, The president has been embroiled in a corruption scandal. Only 3. Progress: Democracia Democracy Despite arbitrary tactics and a sense of paranoia that seem to lurk behind actions such as deporting reporters and suppressing protests, the Panamanian government eventually changed course on the Mining Law. On March 3, , President Martinelli announced that, because of the unpopularity of the Mining Law, it would be repealed. Although he appears to be listening to the voice of the people, it raises concerns about the ways that laws are passed and then somewhat arbitrarily changed. Although the repeal will go through the National Assembly, the president has already announced it as a done deal. These actions give the appearance that it is not so much the needs and desires of society as a desire to maintain power for himself, or at least his party, that motivates Martinelli. In this way, changing course on policy is self-serving, rather than trying to carry out the will of the people. For Panamanians to exercise their rights, the democratic process must be followed. There is a glimmer of hope for the judiciary; Panama is transitioning from an inquisitorial to an adversarial judicial system, similar to what the United States has in place La Prensa, d. As a result, corruption is more easily exposed and contained. Civil society in Panama, although not fully free, is organizing and demanding change. Citizens are still willing to protest for change and against corruption, even realizing the risk to their physical well-being and freedom. The group has been formed to safeguard life, liberty, democracy, and freedom of expression. The end of the Diablos Rojos and the advent of the Metro bus were necessary changes, important for the safety of Panamanian commuters. Panama has worked diligently with the United States to fight drug trafficking and the growing problem of gangs. Nonetheless, a quasidemocracy, elite interests, and problems with public safety hold back progress. Restrictions on free speech, the violent response against protestors in and , the growth of gangs, and the increase in drug trafficking are emblematic of the perils that Panama is facing. The arbitrary nature of government reflects the lingering clientelism that still exists in Panama. Policy is still geared, in many ways, toward the elite and foreign interests. It is imperative that this culture not affect the Panama Canal Authority ACP , which has been running the Canal with great success since the departure of the United States. His successor is of utmost importance. Although civil society is vigorously pushing back against restrictions on freedom of expression, if future Panamanian presidents continue to restrict speech and intimidate the opposition, democracy in Panama will not flourish. Laws and changes to laws should not be whimsical; they must be made in consultation with those affected and be subject to legal review to avoid hasty or ill-advised decisions. It is imperative that the transition to an adversarial system proceed unencumbered. The separation of powers between the branches of government must be respected. As sociologist Raul Leis notes, vertical relationships, partial and disjointed actions, subordination, and paternalism must be overcome by more integrative politics, consulting with the people, and true participation Samaniego, Increases in gangs, threats to free speech, and institutional weakness reflect a pressing need to transform the relationship between Panamanians and their government from one of client-ship to one of citizenship. Gangs and drug traffickers have something to offer low-income Panamanians, especially disenfranchised youth, who are seeking recognition, power, and an opportunity to obtain those things that they have long envied and desired from the elite. Although still deeply entrenched in elitism, the government of Panama is demonstrating an interest and a desire to succumb to international pressure and to meet the demands and needs of its people. The relationship between Panamanians and their government is evolving, and although progress has been slow, a future where Panamanians will enjoy the benefits of citizenship is looking more likely. Panama is on the cusp of becoming a developed nation. To achieve this status, it must provide a higher-quality education to all of its citizens regardless of income or ethnicity and give them civil rights. Human trafficking laws must be enforced. Panama must allow the people citizenship in the true sense of the word. As it has in the past, pressure from outside forces will likely force change in Panama. The Free Trade Agreement with the United States, approved in the fall of , will require Panama to continue to become more transparent in its business practices and is likely to subject the country to international scrutiny, potentially making the government less likely to continue repression of the press. Civil society around the world has been galvanized in recent months. Events in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, and Libya should signal to regimes everywhere that they ignore the pleas of their people at their peril. Although the systems that result may not be perfect, for the first time in many countries, people are true citizens, responsible for the fate of their own country, for better or worse. Both authors have researched Panama for the past four years, using research grants from the American Public University System. Notes 1 Known as rabbiblancos, meaning white tails. El Metro y Metro Bus son el complemento en el sistema de transporte para que se acaben los tranques y el mal servicio. Panamanian Journalists Trained on Leg Reform. Alberto Vargas, C. La Prensa. How the street gangs took Central America. Peligra libertad de expression. Transformations Index. Panama confirms FARC presence within borders. Colombia Reports. Council of Hemispheric Affairs. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Transporte Masivo to begin operating first Metrobus buses by year-end—Panama. Country comparison: Unemployment rate. The World Factbook. Central America and the Caribbean: Panama. Periodistas repatriados. Freedom in the world —Panama. Panama Unemployment Rate. Panama will improve its road network with IDB support. The Panama News. Update on the proposed new gag law. Panama could become next narco battleground. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from. En se han decomisado Corporacion La Prensa. Border patrol agents injured by land mines. Controversial Law 30 to be repealed. Panama set to accept OAS proposals. AG refuses to investigate wikileaks claims. Foreigners will not be hired for Metro. Martinelli: Estoy en guerra contra los delincuentes. New questions raised about freedom of expression. Police seize 2. Same crime, different treatment. Panama a transit depot for human trafficking. La Estralla. Una jornada de lucha digna y valiente La Estrella. Transparency International: Global Corruption Report The Panama News, 11, no. Diablos rojos: Painted buses and Panamanian identities. Visual Anthropology, 22 5 , — Newsroom Panama. Speeding bus injures 40 on Cinta Costera. Zona de guerrillas. Colombia investigates aid to the FARC. Los privilegios de la Ley Jorge L. Press Release. Political culture in Panama. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Protection Project. The Johns Hopkins University. Rechazan que se sancione a quienes ofendan al Presidente, La Prensa. Gangs in Central America. Congressional Research Service. Crean grupo pro democracia. Martinelli, Ortega draw similar criticisms. Tico Times. Boletin de Prensa La Estrella de Panama. Society, capital and economic development. Global Society, 15 1 , 60— Taylor, L. Client-ship and citizenship in Latin America. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 23, — The Economist. A Singapore for Central America? First it needs a government as impressive as its economy. Panamanian politics. Martintelli administration unveils new metro route. Economy, 15 At a glance: Panama. Department of State. International Narcotics Control Strategy Report. Country Report: Panama. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report. Bidding Goodbye to the Diablos Rojos of Panama. Williams Arosemena, Y. Amount of drugs seized at Tocumen Airport tripled in Panama Guide. Happy New Year! Panama Country Brief. Pert-cpm Ariel Monniello. Adequacy of sample size in a qualitative case study and the dilemma of data saturation: A narrative review Dr. Maldonado Torres Charla magistral Cumbre Afro ver. Handbook of Print Media Ana Jereb. Toeic Ng Thnhi. Acute contamination with esfenvalerate and food limitation: Chronic effects on the mayfly, Cloeon dipterum Matthias Liess.

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