The Two Spains

Spain is a nation without political motion; the establishment parties lack the momentum to allow any invigorating figure to revitalize the exhausted spirit of the Spanish people. The Spanish Socialist Workers Party assuming the role as ruling party within the General Courts has set a greater precedent for the destruction and censorship of Spanish history in line with the commonly subscribed narrative of self-hatred among the Western world. Meanwhile the establishment right-wing is the baby boomer infested Popular Party that rose from the ashes of Franco’s Spanish state. Having lost their position as ruling party due to a successful vote of no confidence motioned by the socialists (PSOE) against Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy and other Popular Party officials, the Popular Party has had their political strength curtailed to such a degree that it cannot properly oppose the total destruction of contemporary conservative politics along with monuments and ideas of “archaic” conservatives. An “alternative right” in Spain containing Eurosceptic populists with nationalist leanings has yet to mature, so far the only Spanish political movement to fill the role is VOX, but those are more like the regular moderate conservatives than anything special.

The Nationalist sentiment in Spain is selfcensored as a result of the social stigma surrounding Francoism as an undesirable ideology opposed to the dogmatic egalitarianism in neoliberal Spain. This is considered a huge branch in the road to achieving a healthy and fresh alternative right. Nationalism has been effectively estranged from the Spanish people. There remains a subconscious awareness of issues befalling the country that the Spanish will acknowledge, prescribe solutions to which may even be accepted, but if one takes these solutions to their logical conclusion, the average modern citizen will object to them. Saving Spain needs more than some nice posturing and gesturing, yet people are scared of this next step. To share ideals which were present under Francoism invites social ostracism regardless of how “extraordinary” the views may have actually been. As a result of this the PSOE promised to dismantle the Holy Cross of the Valley of the Fallen and exhume the grave of the late Caudillo Francisco Franco. Conventional nationalist movements in Spain lack potency because the modern Spanish no longer respond to the same stimuli as previous generations did. Spain will only react to a collectivizing action which would need to consolidate the people based on common concerns, this will not occur through an atomized loose umbrella of ideologies separated by petty disputes. The Spanish ultra-right could potentially wrangle the lemmings were they to be as vocal on EU migration quotas attacking Spanish sovereignty as homosexuals and kvetching jews are vocal in mainstream globalist media on any subversive vice. “When people see a strong horse and a weak horse, they will naturally want to side with the strong horse”, Osama Bin Laden once said; the appearance of being a popular movement would grant the membership necessary to carry out successful political campaigns in the near future.

This brings us to the “Two Spains” which are the essence of contemporary Spain, derived from a phrase of a short poem in Proverbs and Songs by the poet Antonio Machado, often interpreted as a multilayered paradigm in the present era although commonly accepted as the paradigm of the left-wing and right-wing political contingents contesting one another. The concept is historically extended as being present during the Ancien Regime as well, the inquisition helped to keep this problem at bay before the conquests of Napoleon’s France unleashed jewish liberalism in Spain and Eu- rope as a whole through force. In fact the Separatism in Spain parallels the rivalry of the Christian Iberian kingdoms during the Reconquista. The clannish attitude present in Spain is tearing the country apart despite having been united under the crown of Castile. These “tribal” nations are still alive and seek to be dis- tanced from Castilian hegemony hoping to achieve a cultural renaissance. Separatism in Spain (and many other areas) is based on right wing ideas. Although the support base for separatism is associated with leftist ideologies, there exist openly racialist minor branches of these movements. The local right wing organizations in those regions are reaping the benefits of the over-representation of separatism in the media after funding separatist movements themselves. The com- munist base of support is tactically utilized as useful idiots that will bring about the transitional phase from national unity to the independence of regional cultures. The Two Spains is the base line rule for Spanish affairs, any movement that fails to find the answer to this problem is doomed. Franco’s Spain did not solve this issue either, it merely contained liberalism. Franco’s death allowed for the relative unimpeded growth and development of neoliberal Spain. As for the outwards appearance of Franco’s Spain, Franco himself was not a fascist. There may have certainly been clerical fascist or syndicalist undertones, but these were typically affiliated with Catholic fun- damentalism. The Nationalists during the civil war were Falangist in name, some even contained genuine Falangists, but the leadership was mostly comprised of men with aristocratic backgrounds. These men were against the abolishment of the monarchy and Franco himself was of a noble house. Franco was not simply Caudillo of Spain but also a regent of Spain and chose the succeeding heir to the Spanish throne. Despite the monarchy having lost its power a century before Franco’s death there remained honorific titles which still carried some weight.

The Falangists themselves lost their ideologically orthodox practices during the war, this would give birth to the distinction of the so-called “old guard” and “new shirt” Falangists, Franco preferred forthe monarchist Carlists, Falangists and other right-wing factions to compromise their ideologies in order to consolidate as a National movement against the heavily Marxist Spanish Republic. Francoist Spain formed as a traditional aristocratic regime with some fascist undertones, more conservative than revolutionary. Many Falangists held Franco with in contempt for this com- promise of beliefs which caused a political split in the Falangist movements. Francoist Spain distanced itself from fascist labels once the “Liberation” of France had begun in 1944. Spain liberalized economically and socially during the sexual revolution, it was during the late Franco era when the Caudillo began appoint- ing liberals and communists as officials of the Spanish state in response to the emerging liberal social dynamic trend in Western Europe during the cold war. Franco sacrificed ideological orthodoxy as a pragmatic approach of stabilizing the Spanish political sphere. He is hated by modern Spain despite never becoming the monster they needed. However Franco maintained the centralization of Castilian hegemony that fuels the separatist sentiment in Spain today, which has contributed to the continued existence of the Two Spains problem.

The most likely resuscitation of the Spanish spirit will arrive as a collective subconscious racial awakening in response to Spain’s new found role as the main migrant route into Europe. Alternative movements to the EU policies will form in reaction to the migrant phenomenon destroying their way of life and suppressing their national sovereignty. Spaniards will either find themselves able to voice their discontent through emerging political platforms or they will retaliate with violence as the result of a future crisis bringing about irreparable damage.