Teenage Rebellion

Teenage Rebellion



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Teenage Rebellion
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There are very few perfectly behaved teenagers. Many of them take part in some kind of dangerous, unhealthy or anti-social pursuit.
Activities like drinking, smoking, watching adult videos or having under-age sex are common in teenagers. Some even get up to more serious things like stealing or taking drugs.
It's alarming for parents, but the good news is - it doesn't last.
Statistics for boys show that teenage criminal behaviour tends to begin around the age of 13, peak at 17 and then disappear almost completely in early adulthood.
Rebelling in teenagers is often symbolic. They want to look grown up and impress their friends. If parents disapprove, it often makes teenage behaviour worse and arguments are common. They defy adult restrictions deliberately as a way of asserting their independence.
Teenagers have reason to be confused because they are part of the adult world in a biological sense, but are still not permitted to do many of the things that adults can.
Experimentation is a way for teenagers to learn to take responsibility for their own actions. It is a step towards becoming more mature and adult-like and in learning to make choices and decisions.
Risky behaviour is seen by adults as being a 'bad' thing, but for the teenagers there are many rewards. By pushing boundaries they are developing their identity as well as showing off in front of friends. There are suggestions from recent research that some bad teenage behaviour could be a sign of a healthy personality.
There is one other reason why teenagers might rebel. Scientists have used advanced scanning methods to study the changes that occur in the adolescent brain. Much to their surprise, they have discovered that the brain continues to develop and grow well into the teenage years.
This might explain a teenager's risk-taking behaviour. It has emerged that the emotional region of the brain develops to maturity ahead of the part of the brain that controls rational thought. In other words, teenagers have well-developed emotions and feelings but have still not acquired the ability to think things through. When they act impulsively, and do the kind of dangerous things an adult would avoid, their brain's late development might be to blame.
Teenagers' well developed emotions could also be the cause of another characteristic they are often accused of - moodiness .
17 September 2014 Accessibility help

Teen Rebellion : Why Do They Rebel And How To Deal With It?
Teenage emotions: Teenage rebellion
Teenage rebellion — Wikipedia Republished // WIKI 2
Teenage Rebellion Example | Graduateway
Teenage rebellion | Словари и энциклопедии на Академике
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Teenage Rebellion Causes and Solutions - Jonathan Nadlman, MFT
The Only 2 Reasons a Teenager Rebels

^ "Rebellion and Defiance in Adolescents" . Psychology Today . Retrieved 2020-07-24 .

^ "Teenagers: Why Do They Rebel?" . WebMD . Retrieved 2020-07-24 .

^ "Teen rebellion marks subconscious separation from parents" . USC News . 2015-04-17 . Retrieved 2020-07-24 .

^ Kapadia, Shagufa; Miller, Joan (March 2005). "Parent–Adolescent Relationships in the Context of Interpersonal Disagreements: View from a Collectivist Culture" . Psychology and Developing Societies . 17 (1): 33–50. doi : 10.1177/097133360501700103 . ISSN   0971-3336 .

^ "(PDF) Thirty Years of Terror Management Theory" . ResearchGate .

^ "6.3 Adolescence: Developing Independence and Identity | Introduction to Psychology" . open.lib.umn.edu . Retrieved 2017-11-30 .

^ Gray, Peter (March 2011). "The Evolutionary Biology of Education: How Our Hunter-Gatherer Educative Instincts Could Form the Basis for Education Today" . Evolution: Education and Outreach . 4 (1): 28–40. doi : 10.1007/s12052-010-0306-1 . ISSN   1936-6426 .

^ Epstein, Robert (June 1, 2007). "The Myth of the Teen Brain" . Retrieved May 31, 2016 .

^ Lustig, Robin (2006-12-06). "Teen rebellion - a Western export?" . BBC . Retrieved February 19, 2017 .

^ Schraffenberger, Rebecca. (2007) "This Modern Goth (Explains Herself)", Goth Undead Subculture. New York: Duke UP, 2007.

^ "Teenage Risk-taking: Biological And Inevitable?" . Temple University . Science Daily . April 12, 2007 . Retrieved July 21, 2009 .

^ Temple University (2007). Risk Taking in Adolescence: New Perspectives From Brain and Behavioral Science. Current Directions in Psychological Science pg. 55-59

^ a b Steinberg L. (2008). “ A Social Neuroscience Perspective on Adolescent Risk-Taking ”. Developmental review.

^ Drevets W, Raichle M. (1998) "Reciprocal suppression of regional cerebral blood flow during emotional versus higher cognitive processes: implications for interactions between emotion and cognition". Cognition and Emotion. 12:353–385

^ Lambert, A. E., Simons-Morton, B. G., Cain, S. A., Weisz, S., & Cox, D. J. (2014). "Considerations of a Dual-systems Model of Cognitive Development and Risky Driving". Journal of research on adolescence.

^ "Why Teens Do Stupid Things" . Cornell University . Science Daily . December 12, 2006 . Retrieved July 21, 2009 .

^ Harris, Darryl. B. (1998). " The Logic of Black Urban Rebellions ". Journal of Black Studies . 28 (3): 368–385.

^ Delaney, T. (2007). “Pop Culture: An Overview”. Retrieved from https://philosophynow.org/issues/64/Pop_Culture_An_Overview

^ Ebert, R. (2005). “The young and the restless”. Retrieved from https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/great-movie-rebel-without-a-cause-1955

^ a b Goostree, Michele Leigh (2011). " In Revolt. How Suburban Youth of the 1950s Rejected the Contradictions of an Affluent Society in Favor of Apocalyptic Zombies and Chicken Runs" . Theses. Paper 658

^ Corry, J. (2010). “The Beatles and the Counterculture”. TCNJ Journal of Student Scholarship, Volume XII.

^ Hirsch, A. (2018). “How BeatleMania Came Exactly When the Teenage Generation Needed It Most”. Retrieved from https://uwarchive.wordpress.com/2018/04/22/how-beatlemania-came-exactly-when-the-teenage-generation-needed-it-most/

^ Doyle, J (2016) “Rock Around The Clock – Bill Haley: 1951-1981” Retrieved from https://www.pophistorydig.com/topics/rock-around-the-clock-bill-haley/

^ Hine, T. (2000). "The Rise and Fall of the American Teenager" HarperCollins

^ Wiseman, L. (2015). " Teenage Attitude of the 1950s ". Red Oak, Texas. Tau Sigma Journal of Historical Studies: Vol. XXI.

^ Roszak, T. (1969). "The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition". New York. Anchor Books

^ O’Neill, W. (1986). " American High: The Years of Confidence ". New York. Simon and Schister.

^ Gilbert, J. (1986). " A Cycle of Outrage: America’s Reaction to the Juvenile Delinquent in the 1950s ". New York. Oxford University Press

^ W.T. Lhamon, Jr. (1990). " Deliberate Speed: The Origins of a Cultural Style in the American 1950s ". Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press.

^ Chinn, S.E. (2007). "Rethinking Rebellion in the 1950s" . GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13




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Teenage rebellion is a part of human de­vel­op­ment in young adults in order for them to de­velop an iden­tity in­de­pen­dent from their par­ents or fam­ily and a ca­pac­ity for in­de­pen­dent de­ci­sion-mak­ing . [1] They may ex­per­i­ment with dif­fer­ent roles, be­hav­iors, and ide­olo­gies as part of this process of de­vel­op­ing an identity. [2] Teenage re­bel­lion has been rec­og­nized within psy­chol­ogy as a set of be­hav­ioral traits that su­per­sede class and cul­ture ; [3] some psy­chol­o­gists, how­ever, have dis­puted the uni­ver­sal­ity of the phenomenon. [4] Ac­cord­ing to Ter­ror Man­age­ment The­ory , the child's al­le­giance to parental au­thor­ity and world­views can weaken after the dis­cov­ery that par­ents, like them­selves and every­one else, are mor­tal. This re­al­iza­tion cre­ates an un­con­scious need for se­cu­rity that is broader than what the par­ents alone pro­vide. This can lead to new cul­tural al­le­giances , in the search for a more en­dur­ing sense of mean­ing. Teenagers seek to per­ceive them­selves a val­ued con­trib­u­tor to as­pects of cul­ture that more con­vinc­ingly out­live or tran­scend the mor­tal in­di­vid­ual's lifes­pan. How­ever, since the par­ents also in­still their cul­tural be­liefs onto the child, if the child does not come to as­so­ci­ate their par­ents‘ mor­tal­ity with their cul­tural be­liefs, the chances of re­bel­lion decrease. [5]

There re­mains some de­bate as to whether the causes of teenage re­bel­lion are com­pletely nat­ural or nec­es­sary. Some posit that an ado­les­cent's fail­ure to achieve a sense of iden­tity can re­sult in role con­fu­sion and an in­abil­ity to choose a vo­ca­tion, and/or that these pres­sures may de­velop from being viewed as adults. [6] In­deed, in the West­ern world the age at which one is con­sid­ered an adult (in both the cul­tural and legal sense) has ad­vanced from the early teens in ear­lier cen­turies to the late teens – or even, in today's so­ci­ety, one's early twen­ties. How­ever, sim­ply fo­cus­ing on con­tem­po­rary west­ern or west­ern-in­flu­enced cul­tures, can­not an­swer the ques­tion of 'uni­ver­sal­ity'. For ex­am­ple, if our hunter gath­erer an­ces­tors or his­toric agrar­ian cul­tures had dif­fer­ent pat­terns of be­hav­iour this would sug­gest that 'teenage re­bel­lion' is not 'com­pletely natural'. [7]

In Sci­en­tific Amer­i­can , how­ever, Har­vard psy­chol­o­gist Robert Ep­stein dis­par­aged the no­tion of "the im­ma­ture brain that sup­pos­edly causes teen prob­lems" as largely a myth, and wrote that the tur­bu­lence often seen as typ­i­cal of these years is not "a uni­ver­sal de­vel­op­men­tal phe­nom­e­non." Ep­stein al­ter­na­tively con­tends that ex­ter­nal fac­tors – no­tably " treat­ing older and older peo­ple as chil­dren while also iso­lat­ing them from adults and pass­ing laws to re­strict their be­hav­ior" – are more likely re­spon­si­ble for the angst seen among many Amer­i­can teens. [8] Like­wise, in an ar­ti­cle by Robin Lustig of BBC , aca­d­e­mic Cyn­thia Light­foot states that what is now con­sid­ered youth cul­ture was cre­ated by the ad­vent of com­pul­sory for­mal ed­u­ca­tion in the United States, due to the un­prece­dented sep­a­ra­tion of younger and older peo­ple that re­sulted from it. Lustig notes that the ef­flo­res­cence of re­bel­lious at­ti­tudes in teenagers of other coun­tries has been con­cur­rent with the in­tro­duc­tion of West­ern cul­ture into those countries. [9]

While teenage re­bel­lion can in­volve a vi­o­la­tion of the law or other rules, it can be lim­ited to a vi­o­la­tion of so­ci­etal norms, in­clud­ing those es­tab­lished by teenagers them­selves. Ac­cord­ing to Re­becca Schraf­fen­berger, her peers saw her book­ish­ness and shy­ness "as vul­ner­a­bil­ity and ... made a game of prey­ing upon it. I wasted a cou­ple of years try­ing to con­form and fit in, to wear the clothes from Benet­ton and buy the ul­tra-trendy Guess jeans. By the time I was fif­teen, I gave up." [10] Thus, Schraf­fen­berger aban­doned so­ci­etal norms for an al­ter­na­tive mi­nor­ity goth cul­ture. Much of goth cul­ture de­fies ma­jor­ity teenage norms by its in­ter­est in sub­jects such as death, dark music, de­pres­sion, and emo­tional demon­stra­tion.

Tem­ple Uni­ver­sity psy­chol­o­gist Lau­rence Stein­berg sug­gests that "stop­ping sys­tems within the brain make ado­les­cents more sus­cep­ti­ble to en­gag­ing in risky or dan­ger­ous behavior." [11] Stein­berg states that "re­search does not sup­port the stereo­type of ado­les­cents as ir­ra­tional in­di­vid­u­als who be­lieve they are in­vul­ner­a­ble and who are un­aware, inat­ten­tive to, or un­con­cerned about the po­ten­tial harms of risky behavior." [12] He ar­gues that risk-tak­ing de­clines be­tween ado­les­cence and adulthood, [13] be­cause of the mat­u­ra­tion of the cog­ni­tive con­trol sys­tem, which strength­ens the abil­ity to in­hibit im­pul­sive be­hav­ior . Teenage risk-tak­ing is the prod­uct of an in­ter­ac­tion be­tween the so­cio-emo­tional and cog­ni­tive con­trol networks, [14] and ado­les­cence is a pe­riod in which the for­mer be­comes more as­sertive at pu­berty while the lat­ter gains strength over a longer pe­riod of time. How­ever, much of the time this net­work is not highly active. [15] So when the so­cio-emo­tional net­work is not highly ac­ti­vated (for ex­am­ple, when in­di­vid­u­als are not emo­tion­ally ex­cited or are alone), the cog­ni­tive con­trol net­work is strong enough to im­pose reg­u­la­tory con­trol over im­pul­sive and risky be­hav­ior. In the pres­ence of peers or under con­di­tions of emo­tional arousal, how­ever, the so­cio-emo­tional net­work be­comes suf­fi­ciently ac­ti­vated to di­min­ish the reg­u­la­tory ef­fec­tive­ness of the cog­ni­tive con­trol net­work. Dur­ing ado­les­cence, the cog­ni­tive con­trol net­work ma­tures, so that by adult­hood, even under con­di­tions of height­ened arousal in the so­cio-emo­tional net­work in­cli­na­tions to­ward risk-tak­ing can be modulated. [13]

A Cor­nell study from 2006 de­ter­mined that teens are more likely to con­sider risk while mak­ing a de­ci­sion, and for a longer pe­riod of time, than adults. They are more likely to over­es­ti­mate the risks, in fact. Teens will also take risks be­cause they find the re­ward, such as in­stant grat­i­fi­ca­tion or peer ac­cep­tance, more valuable. [16]

The phe­nom­e­non has been cat­e­go­rized by main­stream media and pop­u­lar cul­ture , and is a very com­mon sub­ject in music and film. [17] Pop­u­lar cul­ture al­lows large di­verse groups of peo­ple to iden­tify in­dis­crim­i­nately and to feel rep­re­sented. Not only does it serve as a way of in­clu­sion in so­ci­ety as it joins the masses on stan­dards of ac­cept­able forms of be­hav­ior but it also forges a sense of iden­tity, mean­ing and pur­pose that chains the in­di­vid­u­als of a society. [18] Many his­to­ri­ans have an­a­lyzed the way that film in­flu­enced the teenage gen­er­a­tion and cul­ture. Thomas Do­herty stated that film was one of the first forms of media to evolve from mass cul­ture to teen cul­ture, and that thanks to film the teen idol fever started. An ex­am­ple of films that pro­jected im­ages of youth is Rebel With­out a Cause , which was ex­tremely in­flu­en­tial at the time and cre­ated a new idea of young people. [19] The film re­flects ju­ve­nile delin­quency along with con­fu­sion, un­cer­tainty and fright of both teenagers and adults. Like­wise, Black­board Jun­gle is a film that fo­cuses on ju­ve­nile delin­quency and ex­plains the rea­sons why teenagers be­have the way they do, as well as the ped­a­gog­i­cal is­sues that at­tack ed­u­ca­tors and stu­dents in a very frag­ile ed­u­ca­tion system. [20] Apart from the film in­dus­try, The Bea­t­les in­flu­enced enor­mously in a so­cial and cul­tural change. The band de­vel­oped both per­sonal free­dom ex­pressed by phys­i­cal ap­pear­ance and ex­per­i­men­ta­tion with drugs, which in­duced in­tro­spec­tive and pas­sive be­hav­ior, as op­posed to al­co­hol. Their music chal­lenged the gen­er­a­tions of out­dated par­ents and favoured fun and ad­ven­ture among teenagers. The Bea­t­les be­came a lib­er­at­ing force for mil­lions of teenagers who would then be­come ac­tivists, hip­pies and protests of so­cial and cul­tural change. [21] Many psy­chol­o­gists saw Beat­le­ma­nia as a re­bel­lion and a re­ac­tion against their con­ser­v­a­tive elders. [22] An­other ex­am­ple in music was Rock Around The Clock , which not only was one of the first Amer­i­can rock n’ roll record­ings but also it was con­sid­ered the teenage Na­tional Anthem. [23] Con­sid­er­ing the film and music in­dus­tries, the spe­cial­ist John Storey de­fines pop­u­lar cul­ture as some­thing that arises from the peo­ple rather than im­posed upon them. In other words, pop­u­lar cul­ture is shaped and de­signed by its con­sumers and that is why it is, with­out ex­cep­tion, in­ter­vened with teenage re­bel­lion.

Ac­cord­ing to Thomas Hine, the word ‘ teenager ’ was not re­ally used until 1941, when the Pop­u­lar Sci­ence mag­a­zine used it for the first time. [24] Even though a lot of pub­li­ca­tions came out dur­ing the 1950s, try­ing to ex­plain this ado­les­cence change, it wasn’t until the twen­ti­eth cen­tury that his­to­ri­ans began to an­a­lyze this phe­nom­e­non. The study of teenage re­bel­lion has no de­fin­i­tive cat­e­gories since schol­ars have given a mul­ti­tude of causes for this be­hav­ioral evo­lu­tion in society. [25] Theodore Roszak was one of the first his­to­ri­ans to an­a­lyze the teenage re­bel­lion from the 1950s. Ac­cord­ing to Roszak, this in­di­vid­ual move­ment could be com­pared to the “ The Ro­man­tic Move­ment ” or even “ The Re­nais­sance ” as peo­ple dur­ing those time pe­ri­ods strug­gled for in­de­pen­dence the same way the youth of his so­ci­ety did. In his book " The Mak­ing of a Counter Cul­ture ”, Roszak stated that teenage re­bel­lion at the time was ac­tu­ally noth­ing more than a phase that each so­ci­ety goes through periodically. [26] In other words, this long­ing for iden­tity teenagers ex­pe­ri­ence can be ex­plained by being a part of a so­ci­ety. William O’Neill the­o­rized that Amer­i­cans in the 1950s were so deeply af­fected by events such as World War II and the Cold War that the youth of the time were sim­ply ne­glected and this led them to rebel. [27] James Gilbert agreed with O’Neill that the peo­ple who grew up dur­ing World War II were par­tic­u­larly af­fected and in­flu­enced from being raised by a war generation. [28] Gilbert also added that the media con­tributed to this phe­nom­e­non by cel­e­brat­ing teenage delin­quency with movies, music, and mag­a­zines. It is dif­fi­cult to de­ter­mine the ex­tent to which mass media played a role in in­spir­ing some bouts of ju­ve­nile delin­quency in the suburbs. [20] W.T. Lha­mon dis­cusses how the power of the teenage cul­ture was not at first ev­i­dent to those who cap­i­tal­ized on it. Even­tu­ally, so­ci­ety re­al­ized that changes in man­ners, val­ues, and styles were not sim­ply a trend but a grow­ing ex­pres­sion of teenage re­bel­lion against what teens viewed as con­ser­v­a­tive ideals they dis­agreed with. Ac­cord­ing to Lha­mon, the youth cul­ture was and still is some­thing that has greater con­trol in so­ci­ety than many realize. [29] Nu­mer­ous his­to­ri­ans have at­trib­uted the source of the Amer­i­can teenage re­bel­lion to many dif­fer­ent fac­tors through­out the years, such as the eco­nomic ex­pan­sion, the wartime ef­fects, media con­sump­tion, and the United States be­com­ing in­creas­ingly con­formist, po­lit­i­cally con­ser­v­a­tive, and intolerant. [30]







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