Teen Rape Movie

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‘The Tale’ depicts a grown woman (Laura Dern) working through the realization that she was sexually abused at age 13, graphically depicting those horrifying sexual-assault scenes.
Updated Jan. 20, 2018 7:08PM ET / Published Jan. 20, 2018 7:00PM ET 
In many respects, The Tale has been in the making for the last 35 years. But its Sundance Film Festival premiere Saturday afternoon—the first of this year’s festival to receive a standing ovation that we witnessed—is so timely it could very well have been called: #MeToo, The Movie.
The Tale is a memoir film in which writer-director Jennifer Fox confronts the sexual abuse she suffered when she was a 13-year-old girl, having spent the next three-and-a-half decades of her life convincing herself that she was engaged in a “special” relationship with a 40-year-old man, facilitated by a woman she trusted.
Both were people in her life she loved: “Mrs. G” (names were changed from Fox’s own life) was her equestrian trainer, and “Bill” was her running coach. Thirteen-year-old Jennifer is intoxicated by the regal, beautiful Mrs. G, and trusts Bill because of it. When Bill starts to coax Jennifer into a sexual relationship, she convinces herself that they’re in love. But she was just a girl. It was child rape.
Immediately following the post-screening Q&A, in which stars Ellen Burstyn and Jason Ritter broke down in tears talking about the movie, it became clear that this is the film everyone at Sundance will be talking about.
Its resonance—a woman realizing that what she had thought was a consensual sexual relationship was actually child rape—is one thing. That it shows, with purposeful unflinching detail, Jennifer’s rape at age 13 is another. (We witnessed multiple people walk out after this.) But that it doesn’t direct you how to feel about it, or moralize, or redeem, or reassure is its greatest power.
The Tale is relentlessly uncomfortable, and sometimes even aggravating. It wades into the murky waters of a complicated debate currently consuming culture, but doesn’t seek to satisfy or conclude it—which can be infuriating but is also necessary. It lacerates right through that conversation, letting the full range of opinions spill out. Yet it doesn’t seek to stitch it back up again and heal. Because that’s not it’s job.
“Eventually she pieces together an explicit, clear-eyed recollection of the relationship with Bill, and we watch it play out on screen. It’s sickening.”
But The Tale isn’t a linear narrative about a child who was raped. It’s an adult woman’s journey to the horrifying realization that her innocence was preyed on; that she was abused in a way that impacted the rest of her life. It’s her struggle through frustrating notes of denial, rationalization, misremembrance, and anger as she tries to piece together what really happened to her—not what her memory of it was—and why. How she feels about it now is almost an afterthought, until, at a major climax, it isn’t.
Throughout the film, Fox plays with form, storytelling structure, and the truth in jarring ways here—at one point Laura Dern, who plays Jennifer as an adult, is actually in conversation with Isabelle Nelisse, who plays her at age 13—to illustrate the myriad ways in which a person needs to communicate, with others and themselves, past and present, to reckon fully with an event like this.
When we meet Dern’s Jennifer, her mother (Burstyn) is leaving her a litany of emotionally charged voicemails, having just discovered an essay Jennifer wrote when she was 13 titled “The Tale,” which discussed the loving relationship she had with two adults: Bill (Jason Ritter) and Mrs. G (Elizabeth Debicki.) Her mother is beside herself. Suspicions she had 35 years before were true: these adults had taken advantage of her daughter.
“This is why I didn’t tell you,” Jennifer says, dismissing her mother’s concerns. “Can’t I just sit with my own memories?” she pleads, preferring to remember the relationship fondly instead relitigate it as assault. Nearly every line of dialogue hits you like a cannonball, its relevance to the stories and confessions that have been chronicled in the #MeToo movement these last months uncanny. “No,” her mother says. “I want you to nail them.”
She starts to visit people she hadn’t seen in decades, attempting to get a more detailed picture of that time that the years have blurred—part of her desperate search for a reason this happened to her. Or even to answer if anything happened to her.
“You were raped,” she’s told multiple times. “It’s complicated,” she instinctively retorts. She rages at the word “victim,” an indictment of the inherent lack of sensitivity in imposing a victim narrative on anyone who comes forward with a traumatizing story.
Eventually she pieces together an explicit, clear-eyed recollection of the relationship with Bill, and we watch it play out on screen. It’s sickening.
Bill baits her with lines like, “You’re not afraid of life, right, Jenny? You’re not afraid of living?” He and Mrs. G flatter her by telling her that she’s special, that they think of her as an equal, that they think they can trust her with secrets. Then we start to see the rape happen.
Would the film be as powerful if the acts were implied, instead of shown to wincing eyes on screen? Perhaps. But arguably, too, the impact is in bearing witness to the things Bill says and does and their brutal reality.
It starts with Bill getting Jenny to cuddle with him under a blanket. He says she deserves better than silly young boys; that he wants to “save” her from them. He phrases things in a way to make her think it’s her idea, like to take her top off, giving her the false comfort of an agency she doesn’t have.
We see them make out and it is grotesque. We see him, over multiple scenes that take place over a series of weeks, attempt to penetrate her. “We have to keep stretching you open, slowly,” he says. And then again: “No young boy would do this for you.” We see her give him a blowjob when it doesn’t “fit.” Eventually it happens, the camera switching between her face and his as it does.
The film ends with a disclaimer that the sex scenes were shot using an adult body double. Nelisse, who was 11 at the time of filming, only shot the dialogue parts of the scene, which are graphic in their own right. Fox would coach her on how to react properly to the pain of losing one’s virginity: ”Act like you’ve been stung by a bee.”
It would be impossible to list the myriad tenets of the conversation surrounding abuse and victimhood that the film explores. Should there be guilt or shame? Is she emotionally scarred? We wouldn’t purport to answer any of those questions, and maybe the film doesn’t intend to either. And that’s the prickly part of it, the thing that will keep us and anyone who sees it itching long after it ends.
While watching it, you’re not exactly sure what Jennifer wants the outcome of this whole journey to be, and you’re especially not sure what you want it to be either. What are you rooting for, if anything at all? It all builds up to a confrontation between Jennifer and Bill. Is it satisfying? Could it possibly be?
Casting Jason Ritter as Bill was a crucial decision. His image, based on the characters he’s played in Parenthood, Girls, Kevin (Probably) Saves the World, is that of the consummate nice guy—the adorable, safe, all-around “good” guy. “The whole idea was to take out of the closet the idea that perpetrators aren’t monsters that we can pick out,” Fox said after the film. Mission accomplished.
There was an air of speechlessness as the standing ovation died down. How does someone talk about this film? What do we even say? It’s something that Burstyn herself acknowledged, before beginning the dialogue in an impassioned, immediate way: “The exploitation of innocence is a deep, criminal crime, and it’s time now, right now, in this moment in our history, to change it.”
But she wasn’t done. “And I want to thank Donald Trump for that disgusting tape that he made that we all heard that was the final straw that broke the camel’s back,” she said to rousing applause. “And we can now at last deal with this problem that has gone on for centuries all over the world. This film is giving voice to it.”
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Congressional candidate Mike Carey claims he’s an “outsider.” But he spent 20 years as an energy lobbyist and had a front-row seat to one of Ohio’s biggest corruption scandals.
Updated Jul. 08, 2021 11:25AM ET / Published Jul. 08, 2021 4:50AM ET 
He’s the Trump-annointed candidate running to make the Columbus suburbs MAGA again. But while former energy lobbyist Mike Carey is happy to tout the former president’s endorsement in the GOP primary, he’s not quite as eager to talk about his proximity to one of Ohio’s most expensive corruption scandals.
Carey’s campaign website touts him as an “outsider” who “spent his career holding politicians accountable and fighting for working class families.” But it only vaguely mentions his “20+ year career as an executive in the American energy industry.”
For eight years, Carey worked as the vice president of government affairs at Murray Energy Corporation, once one of the largest coal companies and most notorious violators of environmental laws. He was the right hand man of Bob Murray, according to three sources who worked with and against Carey on environmental issues at the Ohio State House. He also currently serves as chairman of the board of directors of the Ohio Coal Association, which long had close ties to Murray Energy.
Murray Energy filed for bankruptcy in 2019 and has since reemerged as American Consolidated Natural Resources Inc., where Carey currently works and holds the same position.
Bob Murray, the CEO of Murray Energy, died in October 2020.
Neither Carey nor Murray Energy were charged with any crimes in connection to the Generation Now investigation, which resulted in federal charges against several top Ohio power players and, ultimately, the expulsion of former Speaker Larry Householder from the Ohio House.
But as the top lobbyist for Murray—referred to discreetly as “Company B” in the criminal complaint against Householder—Carey had a front row seat to one of Ohio’s biggest corruption scandals.
Blaine Kelly, Carey’s campaign manager, said Carey “was not in any effort to push HB 6 through.”
The scandal revolves around HB 6, which was a billion-dollar bailout of the state’s nuclear industry.
At the heart of the case is a $60 million slush fund known as Generation Now, funded primarily by nuclear power company FirstEnergy. According to federal court documents, Householder, with the help of his top aide Jeffrey Longstreth, used the slush fund as a secret piggybank to mount a successful campaign for Householder to become speaker of Ohio’s House of Representatives in 2018. In exchange for the largesse, according to court documents, Householder used the speaker’s gavel to pass HB 6.
In the fall of 2018, according to court documents, Householder and his allies focused on using Generation Now’s money to make sure candidates supportive of him and his speakership were elected. Towards that end, Householder and his allies orchestrated the creation of a dark money group—identified by the Columbus Dispatch and Cincinnati Enquirer as “Hardworking Ohioans Inc.”—for a $1.5 million spending spree on negative ads.
Generation Now and FirstEnergy provided the vast amount of funding for the dark money group’s commercials. Among the spots paid for by the cutout was an ad that showed Ohio Democrat Dan Foley “taking a field sobriety test, yet only receiving a speeding ticket,” according to court documents. Foley, who “reportedly had a 10-point lead before the ad aired” lost his race and “media reports credited the [Hardworking Ohioans] ad with tipping the scales,” according to an FBI affidavit in support of a criminal complaint.
Court documents show that Murray Energy, where Carey was working as the top lobbyist, kicked in $100,000 worth of funding for the Hardworking Ohioans negative ad spree. Prosecutors referred to Murray, which was not charged in connection with the scheme, as “an energy company whose interests aligned with [FirstEnergy].”
Though it was a coal company, Murray nonetheless found common cause with FirstEnergy, Householder, and Generation Now; their legislative push for the nuclear industry contained fringe benefits for the coal industry, too.
When Householder and his allies passed the HB 6 nuclear bailout bill, the legislation provided handouts to a struggling Ohio coal plant, which was a key customer of Murray Energy’s coal supplies.
Carey’s employer didn’t just mix its money and interests with the Generation Now slush fund. It also courted one of the key indicted architects of the larger scheme behind it, top Householder aide and former Generation Now leader Jeff Longstreth.
Two years before the creation of Generation Now, Murray Energy invited Longstreth to a 2015 Republican Governors Association event as the company’s guest, according to documents obtained by the corporate watchdog group, Documented.
An August 2020 report in the Cincinnati Enquirer details additional links between Murray Energy and Longstreth including that in 2014, his firm was paid for its work on West Virginia legislative races by a PAC called Moving West Virginia Forward, funded mostly by Murray Energy.
Longstreth pleaded guilty to racketeering conspiracy in October 2020 in connection with his role in the Generation Now scheme.
The Ohio House of Representatives expelled Householder in June. He is still awaiting trial and has pleaded not guilty.
Trump’s endorsement of Carey in the crowded field vying to replace retired Rep. Steve Stivers could give him a leg-up in a district where support for the former president runs deep. Former Trump campaign manager Corey Lewandowski has hit the campaign trail for Carey.
But the endorsements are not Carey’s first interaction with Trump’s orbit.
From his perch as an “outsider” at Murray Energy, Carey joined his boss, Bob Murray, and Andrew Wheeler, then a lobbyist for Murray who later became the head of the Environmental Protection Agency, to push their company’s agenda in a meeting with then-Energy Secretary Rick Perry. His presence in three meetings with Trump officials are detailed in documents from Wheeler’s confirmation hearing.
It was at that meeting where Murray, who donated $300,000 to the Trump inaugural, delivered a wish list of environmental regulatory rollbacks that eventually, according to the New York Times, became a “to-do” list for the Trump administration.
Murray Energy of course didn’t get everything they wanted from the Trump administration.
In 2018, Murray Energy donated $1 million to America First Action, four days after Murray himself asked the White House to use federal funds to save a utility that bought coal from his company. The administration said no.
Carey’s aggressive advocacy for the coal industry is well known. A 2011 profile in Politico details his involvement in anti-climate campaigns targeting politicians on every level and described him as a “national voice” in that arena.
A Carey-led group ran ads against then-Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry when he ran for president in 2004 and Barack Obama when he ran for president in 2008. Another group he led, American Council for Affordable and Reliable Energy, ran ads against legislation aimed at curbing the emission of greenhouse gases that targeted Democratic senators from Arkansas to Missouri, according to the Politico profile.
“The biggest chuckle is this claim that he’s an ‘outsider,’” said Mark Strickland, who served as former Ohio governor Ted Strickland’s energy adviser and had frequent interactions with Carey. “You can’t be more inside than Mike Carey.”
Kelly, Carey’s campaign manager, said the “outsider” distinction was “fairly obvious.”
“He’s not a politician, he’s never held elected office,” Kelly said. “He’s certainly not a politician.”
Carey’s attacks, however, are not limited to Democratic adversaries—and can be personal.
In 2016, Mike Harley, a longtime Ohio Republican political operative, found himself on the wrong side of Carey after he worked to kill legislation Carey had been lobbying to pass. Right after the bill was vetoed, Carey asked him to meet with him at his office.
“It was basically a meeting to say ‘stay out of my way or I will crush you,’” Hartley said.
Kelly called the allegation “totally false.”
“Hartley is a serial liar who has publicly backed two of our opponents in this race,” Kelly said. “This typical insider attack won’t move the needle for him.”
Still, when Hartley saw Carey had received Trump’s endorsement, he’d had enough.
“I’m so sick of these corrupt, jack-booted thug assholes, who think they are above the law and think they can get away with threats,” Hartley said. “Somebody like Mike Carey is absolutely the last person that should be a member of Congress—literally he’s the swampiest swamp creature around.”
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Dr. Christine Blasey Ford appeared in front of the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday to testify about her accusation that Judge Brett Kavanaugh, President Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, sexually assaulted her when they were in high school.
Ford claims that the assault happened during one summer in the early 1980s, when she was 15 and Kavanaugh was 17.
Kavanaugh testified following Ford’s questioning on the assault allegations.
As Congress — and the nation — debate the accusations and testimony, one of the common defenses of Kavanaugh is that “boys will be boys.” Indeed, Kavanaugh’s alleged behavior does not happen in a vacuum.
This “boys will be boys” mentality is deeply embedded in American culture, especially shown through the movies of the 1970s and 1980s, when the alleged assault on Ford took place. Kavanaugh himself mentioned Animal House (1978), Caddyshack (1980), and Fast Times (1982) during his own testimony on Thursday.
The raunchy teen comedies of the time, including the ones Kavanaugh mentions, explicitly condone and promote se
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