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Alistair Charlton

12/31/14 AT 10:03 AM

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It may be best known for its network of shady websites selling guns, drugs and fake ID, but the Tor dark web browser is most commonly used to access child pornography, research has found.
By monitoring dark web activity over six months, it was found that 80% of traffic was to websites hosting images of child abuse, although the most popular category by page volume was the sale of illegal drugs. Such sites include Silk Road, which is now in its third incarnation after twice being shut down by the FBI.
The dark web is a section of the internet that is not indexed by search engines such as Google, and not easily navigated to using a standard web browser.
Accessing the dark web requires specialised knowledge and software tools. An example of this is content only accessible by using the Tor software and anonymity network, which while protecting privacy, is often associated with illicit activities.
Presented at the annual Chaos Computer Congress in Germany, the study was conducted by Dr Gareth Owen, a computer science researcher at University of Portsmouth.
Owen found that more than four-in-five visits to dark websites were for the purpose of viewing child pornography, accounting for more than fives times as much traffic as any other category received.
"When we found this out we were stunned," Owen admitted. "This is not what we expected at all."
The findings, reported by the BBC , will make uncomfortable reading for defenders of the dark web and Tor, the web browser used to visit its sites. Away from child porn and the sale of drugs and guns, dark websites can be used as a means for whistle-blowers to speak anonymously, and for sources to speak to journalists without their identity being known or conversation monitored.
Owen, himself a fan of Tor, said: "Before we did this study, it was certainly my view that the dark net is a good thing. But it's hampering the rights of children and creating a place where paedophiles can act with impunity."
Some sites on the dark web, such as the now-closed Silk Road 2, have imposed strict anti-child abuse measures to stop such content being viewed and sold online.
But much of the traffic to these websites, which cannot be indexed by Google or visited by any browser other than Tor, may not be entirely from humans. Owen explained in his report that crawlers set up by the police and other law enforcement agencies could well be responsible for a steady stream of traffic to illegal dark websites. "What proportion are people and which are something else? We simply don't know."
Another issue with monitoring dark web activity, as discovered by Owen's research, is how the sites don't stay around for long. It was observed that the vast majority of Tor sites exist for only a matter of days or weeks before vanishing. Less than one-in-six of the 80,000 sites monitored by Owen stayed online for the duration of his six-month study.
"Most of the hidden services we only saw once. They do not tend to exist for a very long time," Owen said.


*First Published: Aug 29, 2014, 8:00 am CDT

Posted on Aug 29, 2014   Updated on May 30, 2021, 4:45 pm CDT

Being a pedophile on the Deep Web isn’t as easy today.

When FBI agents burst into the home of Timothy DeFoggi early one morning last year, he was sitting at his laptop downloading child pornography videos over the Tor anonymity network.

DeFoggi, until then the acting cybersecurity chief at the federal Department of Health and Human Services, was recently found guilty of three child-porn crimes, including solicitation and distribution. His guilty verdict is the latest in a long string of successful investigations, busts, and convictions that have come as American law enforcement wages a war on child pornography on the Deep Web.

Today, the pedophile websites and communities of the anonymous Internet are closing ranks and making it more difficult for new members to enter than ever before.

The Love Zone, likely the biggest child pornography site on the Deep Web today, has over 50,000 members. At one time, registering for the Love Zone was as easy as making a Twitter account. For much of the four years since its founding in 2010, the site grew into one of the largest trading posts of illegal pornography simply because of its openness.

Prospective new members now have to actually commit a crime to gain access.

After you’ve claimed a nickname on TLZ, new members are required to post 50 to 200 megabytes of hardcore preteen pornography in order to gain access. An application “must contain clearly preteen hardcore material,” the site rules state. “No softcore, no jailbait. If at least one of the participants is 12 years old or less, flat-chested, hairless, and engaging in sexual activity, it most likely qualifies.”

Members also have to describe the content of the porn in detail.

That’s the equivalent of a street gang requiring a new member to rob a deli or stab a passerby, a tried-and-true method criminals use to separate the wheat from the chaff. Make the newbie commit a crime in front of everyone, or else he’s out.

Serious U.S. vigilance against child pornography in cyberspace began over a decade ago—long after the pedophiles had arrived online in large numbers—but the federal crosshairs shifted decisively to illegal abuse material on Tor’s anonymity network in 2013.

Over the past year, several of the biggest child pornography websites of all time have been targeted and shut down. Offenders were identified and arrested. Pedophile communities were saturated with fear, uncertainty, and doubt.

That hasn’t stopped many pedophiles from looking for illegal porn on the Deep Web, but it has put them in a new mindset.

In early Aug. 2013, federal agents seized and shut down Freedom Hosting, a Deep Web hosting operation they correctly identified as the “largest facilitator of child porn on the planet.”

Freedom Hosting was home to websites like Lolita City, which was then likely the largest child pornography site on the Web, with millions of photos and videos provided to over 15,000 members. It was free and open to access with no registration required.

Lolita City’s openness was the product of a pedophile community that had grown relatively comfortable behind the powerful veil of Tor’s anonymity.

Now, several popular forums across the Deep Web that were once open require illegal initiation rites or have simply closed up registration to new members.

This sort of defensive posture has been seen in the Deep Web’s recent past.

Before the fall of Freedom Hosting, the most prominent threat to the pedophiles of the Deep Web was perceived to be cyberattacks from hacktivist vigilantes from groups like Anonymous . In 2011, Anonymous attacked and brought down multiple Deep Web child porn sites including Lolita City—for a few days, anyway.

Shortly thereafter, the sites came back online and grew to 10 times their previous size.

To defend their websites from distributed denial of service attacks, sites like the Onion Pedo Video Archive (OPVA, the website that DeFoggi was caught using) threw an obstacle in the way: a front page CAPTCHA containing child pornography that required a human being to view and interact with the illegal content before being able to access or attack the site.

OPVA no longer exists. It was never relaunched when Freedom Hosting was shut down. But many other child pornography sites popped back up.

While these obstacles can help to keep out vigilantes, trolls, and journalists—viewing and sharing that material is a crime for almost anyone—there are important exceptions the pedophiles are acutely aware of.

Police involved in an investigation can do what they deem necessary, for instance, and informants will likely be given a legal pass if they are cooperating with police.

The defensive posturing from the Deep Web’s child pornography realm is telling. They’re not stopping or shutting down shop by any means. But the last year, which has included arrests and raids of Deep Web pedophiles across the world, has left that community more on edge than ever before.
Patrick Howell O'Neill is a notable cybersecurity reporter whose work has focused on the dark net, national security, and law enforcement. A former senior writer at the Daily Dot, O'Neill joined CyberScoop in October 2016.


I am a cybersecurity journalist at CyberScoop. I cover the security industry, national security and law enforcement.
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This is how the government is catching people who use child porn sites
The FBI is using hacking techniques to target criminals. (Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)
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The user’s online handle was “Pewter,” and while logged on at a website called Playpen, he allegedly downloaded images of young girls being sexually molested.
Pewter had carefully covered his tracks. To reach the site, he first had to install free software called Tor, the world’s most widely used tool for giving users anonymity online.
In order to uncover Pewter’s true identity and location, the FBI quietly turned to a technique more typically used by hackers. The agency, with a warrant, surreptitiously placed computer code, or malware, on all computers that logged into the Playpen site. When Pewter connected, the malware exploited a flaw in his browser, forcing his computer to reveal its true Internet protocol address. From there, a subpoena to Comcast yielded his real name and address.
Pewter was unmasked last year as Jay Michaud, a 62-year-old public schools administrator in Vancouver, Wash. With a second warrant, agents searched the suspect’s home and found a thumb drive that allegedly contained multiple images of children engaged in sex acts. Last July, Michaud was arrested and charged with possession of child pornography.
Michaud’s is the lead case in a sweeping national investigation into child porn on what is known as the dark Web, a universe of sites that are off Google’s radar where users can operate with anonymity.
As criminals become more savvy about using technology such as Tor to hide their tracks, investigators are turning to hacking tools to thwart them. In some cases, members of law enforcement agencies are placing malware on sites that might have thousands of users. Some privacy advocates and analysts worry that in doing so, investigators may also wind up hacking and identifying the computers of law-abiding people who are seeking to remain anonymous, people who can also include political dissidents and journalists.
“As the hacking techniques become more ambitious, failure in execution can lead to large-scale privacy and civil liberties abuses at home and abroad,” said Ahmed Ghappour, a professor at the University of California’s Hastings College of the Law. “It’s imperative that Congress step in to regulate exactly who and how law enforcement may hack.”
But Justice Department officials said that the government investigates crimes based on evidence of illegal activities. “When we obtain a warrant, it’s because we have convinced a judge that there is probable cause that we’ll be able to find evidence in a particular location,” said a senior department official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity under ground rules set by the department.
In the Playpen case, the government activated malware on a site with 215,000 members, as of last February, and obtained Internet protocol addresses of 1,300 computers. Out of that group, the government said it has charged 137 people.
“It’s a lot of people,” said Colin Fieman, a public defender in Tacoma, Wash., who is representing Michaud. “There never has been any warrant I’ve seen that allows searches on that scale. It is unprecedented.”
Michaud is arguing to have his charges dismissed on grounds that the government’s use of the tool violated the Fourth Amendment. Fieman argues that some people might have gone to the site seeking to express fantasies that, while repugnant, are legal. The site, he said, does not clearly advertise itself as devoted to child pornography.
He likened the government’s warrant to a “general warrant,” referring to the British practice during the Colonial era of allowing government searches without any individualized suspicion.
The judge in Michaud’s case is scheduled Friday to hear several motions that could result in the dismissal of charges against him.
“This is a gray area in the law,” said Thomas Brown, a former federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York who has handled cases involving the use of hacking techniques. “It’s another instance where you’ve got technology outstripping the law.”
Fieman also said that rules established by the federal courts, grounded in constitutional principles, require that a warrant be deployed in the district in which it is issued — in this case, the Eastern District of Virginia. Michaud’s computer was in Vancouver.
But prosecutors argue that the technique is lawful and that, in general, a warrant may be issued even when the location to be searched is unknown, as long as there is probable cause that the search will turn up evidence of a crime.
“The Supreme Court has made clear that the Fourth Amendment . . . does not preclude use of warrants where the purpose of the search is to discover the location of the place to be searched,” said David Bitkower, then a deputy assistant attorney general, in a December 2014 letter to a fed­eral courts committee weighing changes to the rule that governs how search warrants are issued.
In the Playpen case, the government argued that it had probable cause to search the computers of anyone who navigated to the site — whether one person or 10,000 people — on the grounds that the site was devoted to child porn and anybody who knew how to get to it probably did so with the intent to view the content. The site cannot be found through a Google search and can be reached only by users who know its exact, algorithm-generated Web ad dress and are using special software that connects to the Tor network.
In such a case, “we have an obligation to investigate all 10,000 [people], not just one,” prosecutor Keith Becker told Judge Robert J. Bryan of the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington in December at a hearing in Tacoma.
The FBI seized Playpen last year, and after operating it for two weeks, shut it down. During those two weeks, according to court documents, it deployed what it obliquely calls a “network investigative technique,” or NIT, to capture the Internet protocol address of anyone who logged in on the website.
“In general, the Constitution doesn’t say that we have to stop investigating just because we need to use a computer technique to identify suspects rather than opening a letter or entering a private house,” said the senior Justice official. “The law doesn’t give online pedophiles immunity from court-authorized search warrants just because they’re using modern software.”
Fieman also argued that the government itself violated the law when it seized Playpen last year, then rather than shut it down immediately or find ways to reroute visitors, continued to operate the child-porn site.
“What the government did is comparable to flooding a neighborhood with heroin in the hope of snaring an assortment of low-level drug users,” Fieman said in a motion to dismiss filed in November.
Justice spokesman Peter Carr said that “at no time in an operation like this does the FBI post any images, videos or links to images of child pornography.” Any such postings are done by website users, not the FBI, he said. Also, he said, immediately shutting down a website would prevent law enforcement from identifying the offenders and frustrate efforts to identify and rescue child victims from abuse.
Without using the hacking technique, officials said, it would be very difficult to locate pedophiles who go to great lengths to hide their tracks.
The issue, said Ghappour, the law professor, is not the use of the malware per se, but “whether hacking warrants are written narrowly enough to guarantee that only those culpable set the trigger [to launch the NIT], and consequently get hacked,” he said. “Given the scale of these operations, the smallest mistake could result in hundreds, if not thousands, of privacy violations.”
Privacy advocates concerned about the government doing mass hacks point to the case of TorMail, an anonymous email service, now shuttered. TorMail, which despite the name is not affiliated with the group behind Tor, was used by a range of people, from criminals to dissidents and journalists.
In the summer of 2013, reports surfaced of people trying to log in to TorMail and finding a “down for maintenance” message instead, then finding suspicious-looking code included in the TorMail Web page. Security researchers who analyzed the code concluded that it was likely placed there by the FBI.
At the time, the government would not confirm that the bureau was behind the hack. This week, people familiar with the investigation confirmed that the FBI had used an NIT on TorMail. But, they said, the bureau obtained a warrant that listed specific email accounts within TorMail for which there was probable cause to think that the true user was engaged in illicit child-pornography activities. In that way, the sources said, only suspects whose accounts had in some way been linked to involvement in child porn would have their computers infected.
An FBI official who spoke under a similar condition of anonymity said the bureau recognizes that the use of an NIT is “intrusive” and should only be deployed “in the most serious cases.” He said the FBI uses the tool only against offenders who are “the worst of the worst.”
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