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Early last week rumor ran through the battle fleet at Coquimbo that the Provisional Government of President Manuel Trucco third since the flight of Dictator Ibanez , was preparing to cut the pay of all noncommissioned ratings as an economy move. Overnight mutiny flared. One Rogelio Reyes, an electrician on the flagship Almirante, was the leader. Electrician Reyes had gone to Great Britain two years ago when his ship was being refitted in British dockyards and had listened earnestly to the Red talk of Clyde-side Laborites. Under his orders the crews of every ship at Coquimbo locked their officers in their cabins and forced them to sign an ultimatum to the Government that the navy would not permit any reduction in salaries. The army still wears Prussian spiked helmets on dress parade. Admiral Eduardo is young, amiable, Chilean born. His father, despite his name, was a Russian and went to Chile many years ago as consul at Santiago for the Imperial Government. His terms were simple. Forty years ago the Chilean navy won a revolution. The naval base at Talcahuano joined the revolt. So did the sailors and cadets of the Naval Training School at Valparaiso. Fortunately for President Trucco the army stayed loyal. Within a couple of hours the Valparaiso cadets had surrendered and regiments were moving down the coast against Talcahuano. Newspapers carried a new threat next morning: The mutineer sailors were really planning with the assistance of Communists on shore to set up a Chilean Soviet. For the first time in a Latin-American revolution, Communism was a real problem. The idea was disproved later in the week, but there was enough truth in the story to cause grave concern. Because of poverty, there is a sizeable body of Communists in Chile. Breadlines stretch through all the big cities. The country has had to default on its foreign debt. Such people are ripe fodder for Communism. As soon as the Communist scare started the streets of Santiago and Valparaiso were filled with clattering Carabineros riding their horses over the sidewalks, poking their long lances into doorways and alleys. In the foreign residential section of Los Leones, U. Talcahuano, There was bitter fighting at Talcahuano. Naval mutineers held not only the ships in the harbor but the coast defense forts ashore. Trying to help their comrades on the shore, rebels on the modern destroyer Almirante Riveras swung her close to the shore batteries under a white flag. Suddenly she dropped her flag and opened fire. Bombing planes took off. Shore batteries and the Almirante Riveros exchanged shot for shot. The Almirante Riveras was beaten out to take shelter behind Quinquina Island and surrender. In three hours Talcahuano was in Federal hands. Despite official denials, Santiago gossips insisted last week that every fifth man in the rebel garrison was taken out and shot. Their leader, Electrician Rogelio Reyes, seemed to have lost his head completely. Knowing that a squadron of some 40 planes, including at least a dozen Dornier-Wahl and Junkers bombers, were preparing to sink the fleet, the rebels steamed out to sea under cover of fog. Then, realizing that they had no food for an extended cruise, no place to go, steamed back again. At 5 p. Army pilots in hitting the unarmed Mt. The Chilean aviators did not actually sink anything but they had an unanswerable alibi: It was their duty not to damage valuable government property more than was absolutely necessary. Her prow burst into flames which were quickly put out. As the battle waxed hotter the spectators on shore suddenly realized that this was not just a glorified spectacle for their amusement. Bullets whined in their direction. They stampeded, baby carriages and all. For just such an emergency the Government had two special trains waiting at the station, but it was not enough. Many of the rebels tried to do the same. As the bombs whistled about their ears they dove gracefully overboard, swam ashore but were captured. The aviators sent word that next time they would really try to hit the fleet. They all surrendered. Their battle fleet is modernized, the Almirante Latorre is a first-class vessel. Laid down for Chile in England in , she was bought by the British at the beginning of the War and served as the Canada. Chile finally received her in In she went back to Great Britain to be overhauled, modernized. Contact us at letters time. Join Us. Customer Care. Reach Out. Connect with Us. Is Adrenal Fatigue Real? Home U. All Rights Reserved. TIME may receive compensation for some links to products and services on this website. Offers may be subject to change without notice.

Talcahuano, Chile, in the wake of the 2010 disaster: A vulnerable middle?

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You have full access to this open access article. To do this, one needs to understand the geophysical features of the hazards involved and the vulnerability that exposed communities live with. Interestingly, this study revealed households that are formally considered resilient in the face of natural hazards, but are in fact not. These households are part of a group I call the emergent middle. The findings of this research suggest that they find themselves in a precarious situation and that their vulnerability to natural hazards largely emerges from their economic fragility and their limited access to relevant resources in the wake of a hazardous event. To appraise the extent to which these natural hazards represent a disaster risk, it is important to learn more about both the hazards involved and the vulnerability that exposed communities live with. While numerous studies have examined the geophysical features of earthquakes and tsunamis in Chile Lomnitz ; Kiser and Ishii ; Yamazaki and Cheung ; Brodsky and Lay ; Hayes et al. This study aims to contribute to the body of literature dealing with the latter. On February 27, , the south-central region of Chile was hit by a magnitude With this in mind, the research described in this article was conceived and fieldwork was undertaken in the Biobio region, one of the most affected areas, 2 years after 27F when the dust had settled and evidence of vulnerable conditions had become more discernible. In the field, some unexpected observations were made. Specifically, this research found households that are neither poor nor rich, and thus find themselves in the middle, that face significant vulnerability to natural hazards such as earthquakes and tsunami. Only Romero and Vidal suggest that middle- and lower-middle-class households were disproportionally negatively affected by the 27F tsunami. In this article, I wish to shed light on the plight of these households. The vulnerability of these households seems to represent a blind spot that cannot be ignored in a country that is continuously beleaguered by a wide variety of natural hazards. The research from which these findings emerged was not aimed at looking into the socioeconomic aspects of vulnerability. However, as the research advanced it became apparent that some socioeconomic observations could not be ignored, mainly because they were unexpected and in some cases even inconsistent with the literature. Against this background, this article aims to share these findings in order to enhance understanding of some vulnerable realities that exist in Chile so that they can be put on both research and policy agendas and as such can hopefully be adequately addressed in the future. The data were collected from multiple sources using qualitative methods, i. Data were collected in the field, i. This method enabled me to access a wide variety of people from different socioeconomic backgrounds, ages and even ethnic backgrounds. Most respondents were lower, middle or higher middle class see Fig. As I was completely immersed in life in the Greater Concepcion area, almost every interaction in formal and informal events was useful to my study. This article is structured as follows. Section 2 briefly describes the theoretical underpinnings of the study, namely how key concepts such as vulnerability, coping capacity and resilience are viewed. Finally, Sect. This is easier said than done, however. Vulnerability is not necessarily opposed to coping capacity and resilience but can in fact embrace both. The risk of severe consequences of potentiality , and the attendant risks of slow or limited recovery resiliency from crises, risk and shocks. Steffen et al. There are other approaches, however, that view vulnerability, coping capacity and exposure as separate features. Bollin et al. I do not subscribe to this latter view as it seems to neglect the complex interactions from which vulnerability emerges. I thus take an approach in line with that of Watts and Bohle. The key elements of vulnerability, then, are exposure, capacity and resilience. Exposure entails more than spatial exposure and includes social and institutional features, i. Resilience likewise has many conceptualizations and definitions Engel and Engel Since respondents expressed an intrinsic relationship between their experience of vulnerability and their access to and use of specific assets, I will borrow from the livelihood assets of the sustainable livelihood framework DFID to structure my findings. This pentagon is central to the livelihood framework and allows the important interrelationships between different assets to become more visible see Fig. Asset pentagons presenting different asset portfolios DFID : 5. Rather than capital stocks in the strict economic sense of the term, these assets should be viewed as the building blocks of sustainable livelihoods. The following assets are included in the pentagon:. Human capital is important because it is key to making use of the other assets. Throughout this article, the distinction between bridging or inclusive and bonding or exclusive social capital is important. Natural capital is made up of a great variety of resources that include intangible public goods such as the atmosphere and biodiversity to divisible assets used directly for production such as trees or land DFID : Natural capital is important not just for people who derive their livelihoods from resource-based activities, but for everyone. Human capital, particularly health, for instance, is affected by industrial air pollution. Infrastructure entails changes to the physical environment that enable people to meet basic livelihood needs such as affordable transportation, secure shelter and buildings, access to information. Producer goods include the tools and equipment necessary to function productively. Financial capital refers to the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood objectives. Vulnerability is to a significant extent determined by the social, political and economic environment and is thus essentially social since it emerges from these broader patterns of society. At the same time, vulnerability is differential : Some people are more affected wounded by specific hazards than others. Since vulnerability is social and differential, the location of a person or group in the social hierarchy influences not just their life experiences, relationships, opportunities and overall life chances Fothergill and Peek : 90 , but also their vulnerability. Most studies, though, seem to be built on a commonly accepted idea that the poor are the most vulnerable to disasters and that higher strata are not, since they have access to sufficient stocks of capital. As a result, their levels of vulnerability are rarely investigated. While this assumption seems widespread and forms the basis of many studies of vulnerability, the question is whether it is correct. Throughout this research, I came across households that were neither rich nor poor, but did not fall neatly into the classic middle-class category in terms of education, job security or purchasing power. Arriagada et al. They discuss a newly emerged group that cannot necessarily call itself middle class in the traditional sense, but neither is it eligible to benefit from poverty reduction schemes. To many middle sector households in Chile, the 27F tsunami was such a shock. To these households, these costs are important investments. Education, for instance, is often seen as essential to improve social mobility and thus represents an investment in future generations. In addition, over the past 20 years, the level of over-indebtedness of middle-class households has risen substantially as they have taken advantage of the lax rules on the availability of credit. What I also learned about these households from the emerging middle at least the ones from my study is that they seem to share some values. Throughout the interviews it became clear that they find hard work, effort and sacrifice important values, especially in light of their primary objective, which is to improve their socioeconomic situation. To them these are investments in opportunities for their children and grandchildren, even if stretching their resources in effect also means increasing their overall vulnerability. In addition, there is some controversy about the accuracy of the actual poverty figures used by the government. In , the economist Felipe Larrain published a study in which he reassessed the official poverty figures by generating a new consumption basket using a household consumption study of — This begs the question of whether some of the households currently considered middle class should in fact be reclassified as poor. This has resulted in low levels of trust in government institutions and political parties. As Solimano observed, these challenges make social cohesion in Chile very elusive. The households discussed here also share similarities with those that Barozet and Fierro consider middle class. The latter idea that receiving assistance is equivalent to lowering oneself I also found throughout my interviews. In their eyes, state assistance is not something that citizens might be entitled to in times of unforeseen adverse events, for instance, or an indicator of good governance. There are five categories:. One of the regions that is most often struck by strong earthquakes and tsunamis is the Biobio region. The relatively high frequency of earthquakes has moved Chileans to develop a variety of mechanisms to deal with the often adverse effects. In addition to effective behavior, Chile has also seen great advances in the construction of earthquake-resistant buildings that enable survival even if earthquakes are so strong that standing up and leaving are impossible. This was the case with 27F. The magnitude Tsunamis occur significantly less frequently than earthquakes, and as a result there seem to be fewer coping mechanisms. The primary coping mechanism used by coastal communities is based on local knowledge that when a major earthquake strikes one above magnitude While I was unable to find out where and how this local knowledge developed, I did come across the story of origin of the Mapuches Bengoa , the indigenous people of south-central Chile. Their story begins with a major flood that Mapuches survived because Ten Ten, a snake that lived in the hills, advised them to run up the hill whenever CaiCai, a great snake that lived in the sea, made the sea waters rise. Those who got up the hill survived, while those who did not were transformed into fish. While I did not find a direct connection, it seems that the local knowledge that moved people to run up the nearest hill in response to 27F could have its roots in this story. Since 27F and the large number of deaths caused by the tsunami, Chile is moving toward more tsunami mitigation and preparedness. The municipality of Talcahuano, for instance, is working on evacuation routes and locations see Fig. The powerful earthquake that struck Chile at on February 27, , triggered a substantial tsunami that severely impacted km of the south-central coastline Aon : 10 and caused damage as faraway as California Information Collection Assessment Team The main shock was so powerful that it shortened a normal day on earth by 1. For many coastal localities, the tsunami caused most of the destruction. In fact, a magnitude 6. Talcahuano, an important port city in the Biobio region, was severely affected by both the earthquake and the tsunami. In total, 37 people lost their lives 21 due to the tsunami , 53, people were affected, dwellings were severely damaged while suffered minor damage, and people had to find shelter in camps and in other locations PNUD : The tsunami that hit Talcahuano consisted of three waves. The first wave, with a run-up of 5 m the vertical height of the wave above sea level at its furthest point inland , occurred half an hour after the main seismic shock. The second wave was smaller, with a run-up of 3 m, and reached Talcahuano at am. The third wave was the largest, with a run-up of 6 m, and hit Talcahuano at am Quezada et al. A thick fog covered the city and it was still dark, so few people actually saw the waves. Only at daybreak, when the fog dissipated, did people realize what had happened. This research unveiled a group of households from the emerging middle that were not just economically fragile, but in the wake of 27F proved significantly vulnerable to natural hazards. Their vulnerability to natural hazards seems to have primarily emerged from a disproportionate exposure to tsunamis and a limited access to important resources that inhibit their coping capacity and resiliency. Throughout these paragraphs, I will elaborate on these findings. Since my respondents indicated the particular importance of four forms of capital, namely natural, financial, social and political capital, I will borrow these from the sustainable livelihood approach to guide the discussions. This was first brought to my attention by one of my respondents, who remarked that Talcahuano had also been affected by a tsunami in but that it had been largely contained by the area where the Santa Clara neighborhood now stands. This and various other neighborhoods have been built on wetlands that used to absorb and disperse tidal surges and thus damp down the adverse effects of tsunamis. Today, however, these wetlands have been infilled and the area is occupied by families from the middle who were unaware of the tsunami risk they were exposing themselves to by moving to these neighborhoods. That particularly households from the middle are exposed to tsunamis is confirmed when putting together a tsunami risk map and a socioeconomic map of Talcahuano. Footnote 2 Here one sees the predominance of middle- and lower-middle-class households in tsunami-exposed areas see Fig. A tsunami risk map and socioeconomic map of Talcahuano revealing the exposure of households to tsunamis Sources Municipal Disaster Risk Management Department; National Congressional Library. Socioeconomic distribution of homes in Talcahuano affected by the 27F tsunami Source Romero and Vidal Investigating this further, it came to light that Talcahuano has been built on two types of territory: a peninsula and an isthmus. The isthmus houses approximately two-thirds of the population of Talcahuano and, together with the bays along the shores of the peninsula, is exposed to tsunamis. Because of their unplanned nature, there are few basic services, such as schools, health care and police presence, and are located at considerable distances from job opportunities, commercial centers and transportation. These neighborhoods are commonly regarded as marginal and unsafe. For instance, when I asked my respondents from the emerging middle whether they would consider moving there they would tell me that was not an option since people there are different and there are fewer opportunities. Historically, these wetlands served to absorb tsunamis and reduce their impact interviews ; Vidal and Romero : 1; Bucci and were not allowed to be urbanized. Throughout the second half of the twentieth century, however, the city experienced significant growth since the urban area of Talcahuano has doubled. The demographic pressure, in combination with the liberalization of the land market, eventually led to the urbanization of areas exposed to natural threats, like tsunamis and flooding Vidal and Romero : The development of the wetlands was attractive to real-estate companies since building on steep hills is technically more complex and thus more expensive Pauchard et al. Real-estate companies endorsed the commonly accepted idea that wetlands were wasteland that could provide a greater public service if drained and filled in Pauchard et al. These new residential areas were perfect for young families aspiring to a better way of life with access to basic services, commercial centers and transportation. To what extent this assumption was false became apparent in the wake of 27F. Even though the respondents residing on the wetlands expressed they were unaware of their exposure, coastal communities know that in case of a real earthquake, i. This latent knowledge that is part of a greater disaster subculture Engel et al. Still some people died, mainly either because they did not believe a tsunami would affect them or because the authorities assured them there was no threat and they should return to their tsunami-exposed homes. While some households have resettled since 27F, most residents do not want to leave. The households that were part of this study revealed they felt strong ties to their neighborhoods. They revealed that these feelings were primarily related to the time and energy they had invested in developing a perfect living situation for their families. Against this background, leaving becomes undesirable. Leaving implies leaving behind the product of years of effort, sacrifice and financial investment. Moreover, interviews revealed that often these families do not have the resources to start all over. Leaving would thus entail a decreased sense of security on a daily basis, and putting at risk the access to relevant resources they do have. In other words, the households that are discussed here continue to live in neighborhoods that are substantially exposed to tsunamis. The rapid urbanization and industrialization of Talcahuano has had a negative impact on the environment. For instance, for decades waste was dumped indiscriminately, particularly into the sea. However, as a Balinese once told me, the sea always returns whatever is dumped in its waters. This seems to have been the case in Talcahuano, as the retreating tsunami left a thick black micro layer of oily waste containing high concentrations of bacteria, viruses, toxic metals and organic pollutants on shore. The wetland areas affected by the tsunami were also covered by this layer, and the pollutants it contained were to some extent absorbed into the soil. In addition to the contamination, the residents of the wetland neighborhoods are exposed to several other risks. Such amplification can result in greater damage. Because liquefaction can cause catastrophic failures in building structures Verdugo : , Alexander : chapter 4 has argued that it is best to avoid building on such susceptible terrains. The wetland neighborhoods of Talcahuano have already experienced liquefaction and will continue to do so in the future. Because of the lack of comprehensive studies of the state of the soil beneath the wetland neighborhoods, it remains unclear to what extent the soil has been negatively affected by the 27F earthquake and tsunami. The consequences include increasing exposure to the dangers associated with liquefaction in the event of future earthquakes. Much remains unknown, but it is clear that residing on infilled wetlands in a region that is repeatedly subjected to strong earthquakes and tsunamis entails exposure to a variety of substantial dangers. Combine this with the contamination and liquefaction of the soil on which most of these households reside since 27F, and we can conclude that their natural capital, and that of the community at large, has been severely reduced. The households from this study expressed that their limited access to financial resources seriously limits their ability to recover in an adequate and timely fashion. Having access to financial capital can, for example, enable a family to absorb the loss of their belongings or to arrange satisfactory temporary housing. For the respondents of this study, the reality was, however, that already before 27F their stock of financial capital was minimal as their situation together with others from the middle sectors was economically fragile. So in the wake of 27F, this fragility was exposed and they found themselves with no financial resources to absorb the adverse impacts and recover. The respondents of this study exposed that neither the state or any other formal organization acknowledged their financially fragile situation and subsequent limited access to financial capital for recovery. Subsequently, even in the wake of 27F they were still not eligible to receive state assistance. This seems unfair, to say the least, but it did determine the level and kind of assistance these households were, or were not, eligible to receive. Some families with one-story dwellings and exposed to tsunamis lost practically everything, while others with two-story dwellings mainly lost belongings from their living room, dining room and kitchen, such as sofas, chairs, tables and electrical appliances fridges, washing machines, dryers, televisions, kitchen appliances, sound equipment, etc. This is what most of them, and in particular the men of these households, did. However, many companies in Talcahuano, like fisheries, had also been affected, so that job opportunities were scarce. Moreover, respondents revealed that some companies applied article No. Even though some men Footnote 4 got their jobs back after a while, many households were left without an income at a time when they needed it most. Men who could not find a job in or near Talcahuano left their families behind to look for work elsewhere, which meant that many women were left in charge of most of the recovery process at home. I encountered several cases where this could be said. For instance, take one of my respondents from a lower segment of society. She is a Colombian single mother who came to Chile with nothing. When 27F hit, she was living with a friend in Santa Clara. She did not have a house, possessions, a job, anything. In the wake of 27F, she was able to acquire a house, goods and more importantly technical schooling to become a beautician. In other words, 27F made it possible for her to acquire a home and new skills that enabled her to earn a permanent income to ensure a livelihood. When comparing this story with those from the emergent middle households, some of whom still do not have a home 4 years after the tsunami and are still working hard to even come close to where they were before, one starts to wonder how assistance should be framed and distributed. From my study, it seems that these households are largely on their own and this could be significantly delaying their recovery. More research is necessary, however. According to my respondents, the limited public policies directed at the emergent middle households, also in the wake of a disaster, significantly inhibited their access to financial capital and subsequently their ability to recover in a timely fashion. Their recovery often entailed finding employment to ensure an income, and over time, little by little, finding ways to set aside resources to replace what they had lost. For most, any kind of recovery required first and foremost an income to spend on daily necessities and from which to start accumulating financial resources to construct a new home interviews — One of my respondents explained for instance how she had only two real options to recover her house. The first option involved government assistance, but this forced the family to move from their relatively decent hill neighborhood Footnote 5 to a tsunami-affected and exposed area, and to leave behind the important social capital the family had built up over decades in their old neighborhood. In other words, receiving government assistance required giving up substantial levels of natural and social capital. The other option was to work until they could build a solid house on their land. This, however, would take a long time and forced them to continue living in the emergency accommodation until they succeeded. Since the family still owns the land on which their house is located, the ideal solution would be for the government to enable financial assistance to reconstruct a new, more solid house that can resist future earthquakes. For the households that I talked to, values like personal effort, sacrifice and self-sufficiency are very important. However, upholding these values seems to inhibit their access to political capital. Such values for instance discourage these households from making their grievances known and mobilizing powerful actors to address them. These households value effort and pride themselves on achieving the life they have through hard work and sacrifice. This is why they would not become emotional at the loss of their physical house, but rather at the loss of their home ; the loss of the results of years of labor, overcoming obstacles, and the sacrifices and effort involved. We are alive. We can continue to sacrifice to have a house again. In addition to valuing effort, self-sufficiency is very important. While it is admirable how these households get up and start rebuilding their lives on their own, this attitude isolates them, makes them rather invisible and inhibits a speedy recovery, perhaps by mobilizing political capital. From my study, it seems that political capital is very important in Chile and can enable access to a great variety of resources. They would prefer a lengthy but dignified recovery process to a short and unbecoming one. They see themselves as upwardly mobile and so do not wish to be identified with the extremely vulnerable ones that receive assistance after investing everything they have in order not to be needy. Such imagery is, however, befitting the Mapuches as they struggle to see their human rights respected, for instance interviews — In addition, as their low levels of trust in the political system also demonstrate, they do not believe that political engagement can make a difference for them. So why bother, if one is additionally too busy working to stay afloat. Because these households largely fend for themselves and do not seek outside assistance they are rather easily ignored and generally very invisible , unlike those living in emergency camps occupying a public space, for instance. Poorer segments of society, moreover, seem increasingly to be part of the political system. Since government policies are generally pro-poor, they are part of the institutional landscape. They have direct contacts with government official and are familiar with bureaucratic processes. In addition, they are not bothered when it comes to making their grievances known through the media and seem quite capable when it comes to accessing relevant resources. This makes them visible and provides them access. For many the media was the primary source of information. TV and radio reports largely informed the choice of location and type of assistance. The neighborhood of Villamar, for instance, had been inundated by the tsunami but received no media attention, since the media was focusing on the fishing community of Tumbes and the coastal neighborhood of Santa Clara. As a result, they relied mostly on bonding social capital and turned to their extended family and informal networks to meet their needs and provide emergency accommodation, food and other resources they needed to cope with the effects of 27F. Today, after 5 years, some are still living their family or friends because they have not yet been able to accumulate sufficient resources to pay for adequate accommodation. While it is great that this type of assistance gave many people a roof over their head, an emergency situation of 4 years in which two families are forced to share one small home is far from ideal. This became evident as family members and friends from far beyond the affected region organized themselves to provide assistance for those in need. In fact, these networks are global, but are mobilized to first and foremost assist members of the family. Subsequently, when 27F happened, extensive networks were activated and assistance came to Talcahuano from all over the world. She found that these networks were crucial for the Chilean middle to get access to required resources Barozet : In fact, she stressed that they were particularly valued by those who cannot seem to escape some form of social vulnerability since they enable them access to protection and security through social rather than economic capital. From this study, it became evident that this remains so. The need to rely on these informal social networks was exacerbated by the often unsound and unreliable functioning of the government. For instance, the failure of the tsunami warning system Wisner et al. This faith was further diminished by the major delays and unreliability of government assistance due to numerous instances of fraud and bad practices. This compelled households to respond with the capital they had, i. Just like anyone else in Chile they are exposed to earthquakes, but unlike most other socioeconomic segments they are also disproportionately exposed to tsunamis. And while their capacity to rebound seems high, their resilience seems to be low, and deteriorating. Their exposure is largely the result of the location of newly developed residential areas in highly exposed areas. Besides, these households have limited financial capital, i. Finally, they command relatively low levels of political capital, which continues to be low. Fortunately for them, social capital was available to enable them to overcome the first blows, but one has to wonder to what extent they would be able to mobilize this social capital if another major adverse event were to occur. If we take this information and present it through the asset pentagons presented in Fig. Here you clearly see how their asset portfolio was already frail, but since then has deteriorated to unhealthy proportions Fig. Although capturing the realities faced by this group remains difficult, this should not prevent researchers and policymakers approaching their concerns and finding ways to respond to their grievances. But the investments necessary to do so leave these households with an extremely limited asset portfolio that does not provide the necessary buffer they need to ensure their resilience. As a result, upwardly mobile households are extremely vulnerable to unforeseen crises, stresses and shocks. In a country like Chile, where hazardous events are frequent, substantial levels of resilience are necessary. Since January , for example, Chilean households have had to respond to a magnitude Disasters like 27F should therefore be taken to learn more about realities faced by specific groups of vulnerable households, and the lessons learned should provide a starting point for change to increase their resilience. As the findings of this research show, increasing the resilience and reducing the vulnerability of these households does not require handouts, but rather enabling them to build up an adequate asset portfolio that will allow them to 1 reduce their exposure to risks, 2 improve their capacities to cope with unforeseen events and 3 absorb the adverse effects of events and ensure their adequate and timely recovery. I will refer to economic fragility instead of economic vulnerability to prevent confusion regarding vulnerability. The Social Protection Card Ficha de Proteccion Social is an instrument that is used to determine whether persons or households are entitled to state benefits. 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I would like to express my gratitude to the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research and the department Sociology of Development and Change of Wageningen University for believing in this study and making it financially possible. This study has been largely funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, but also knows a contribution by Wageningen University. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Karen E Engel. Also, throughout this research all interviewees were informed about the purpose of the interview and the study as a whole and were asked whether they desired to participate or not. Participation was voluntary and guarantees were given that all data would remain confidential and would only be used for the purpose of this study. Informing the interviewees and attaining their consent were done orally, and no informed consent forms were used. Reprints and permissions. Engel, K. Talcahuano, Chile, in the wake of the disaster: A vulnerable middle?. Nat Hazards 80 , — Download citation. Received : 26 February Accepted : 09 October Published : 28 October Issue Date : January Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Natural Hazards Aims and scope Submit manuscript. Talcahuano, Chile, in the wake of the disaster: A vulnerable middle? Download PDF. Household vulnerability on the frontline of climate change: the Pacific atoll nation of Tuvalu Article 17 February Use our pre-submission checklist Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript. Full size image. The risk of exposure to crises, stress and shocks exposure. The risk of inadequate capacities to cope with stress, crises and shocks capacity. Talcahuano Source Google Maps. Deteriorated Asset Portfolio of the emerging middle since 27F. Notes I will refer to economic fragility instead of economic vulnerability to prevent confusion regarding vulnerability. My data suggests that in Talcahuano, men are the principal breadwinners. Accessed 4 Feb Beatley T Towards a moral philosophy of natural disaster mitigation. Sociol Meth Res 10 2 — Google Scholar Birkmann J ed Measuring vulnerability to promote disaster-resilient societies: conceptual frameworks and definitions. Accessed 29 July Cardona OD The need for rethinking the concepts of vulnerability and risk from a holistic perspective: a necessary review and criticism for effective risk management. Earthscan, London Google Scholar Carney D Sustainable livelihoods approaches: progress and possibilities for change. Accessed 4 Feb Cresswell J Research design: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Accessed on 5 Feb Engel K, Engel P Building resilient communities: where disaster management and facilitating innovation meet. Accessed 26 Oct Goodwin NR Five kinds of capital: useful concepts for sustainable development. Geophys Res Lett 38 12 :1—8 Download references. Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research and the department Sociology of Development and Change of Wageningen University for believing in this study and making it financially possible. Funding This study has been largely funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, but also knows a contribution by Wageningen University. Ethics declarations Conflict of interest There is no conflict of interest. Informed consent Also, throughout this research all interviewees were informed about the purpose of the interview and the study as a whole and were asked whether they desired to participate or not. About this article. Cite this article Engel, K. Copy to clipboard. Search Search by keyword or author Search. Navigation Find a journal Publish with us Track your research.

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