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Tajikistan where can I buy cocaine

Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. Tajikistan is a country of origin, as well as a destination market for human trafficking, where limited livelihood options, combined with a demand for low-skilled labour in neighbouring countries, mean Tajiki men are vulnerable to being trafficked for forced labour into Russia, Kazakhstan and the UAE. Gender inequality and domestic violence, on the other hand, make Tajiki women and children vulnerable to sex trafficking within Tajikistan and in neighbouring countries. The cotton harvest is crucial for the economy, and victims are trafficked primarily from Afghanistan and Bangladesh and forced to work the harvest without pay. Tajikistan nationals generally only manage the trafficking of victims into Tajikistan, while criminal actors in bordering countries manage the movement of Tajiks out of the country. Corrupt government officials continue to assist traffickers with impunity. Due to the Commonwealth of Independent States agreements, it is relatively easy for Tajik citizens to migrate legally to Russia for work, meaning there is little need for Tajiks to employ smugglers. Although the complexity of travelling through the country means it is not a regional transit hub, Tajikistan still provides a viable transit route for human smuggling. Most migrants moving through the country are primarily from South and Eastern Asia destined for Russia and Western Europe. The criminal actors running the smuggling operation out of Tajikistan are Russian organized criminal groups assisted by Tajik actors such as employment agencies. After the Tajik civil war ended in , the number of illicit firearms has decreased significantly due to the work of the government and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The illicit arms market is relatively small in Tajikistan, especially when compared to neighbouring countries. Nevertheless, the trade in illicit arms that does exist, which in many instances is a remnant of the civil war, continues to contribute to localized violence. The flora criminal market is minor in Tajikistan, mainly limited to illicit logging to meet domestic demand for fuelwood. Regarding fauna crimes, Tajikistan is a waypoint, and to a lesser extent a country of origin, for illegal wildlife products. Criminal actors are traditional hunters and poach in remote areas, primarily because of the lack of legal employment opportunities. Until recently, hunting and poaching was legal and socially acceptable throughout the country, but hunters have begun to create community-based conservancies to protect endangered wildlife. There are now reasons to believe the fauna crimes market is shrinking, with a revival in the numbers of protected species. Tajikistan is rich in natural resources, particularly large deposits of silver, aluminium and coal. The mining of aluminium is crucial to the economy, and extraction is predominantly carried out by a state-controlled company, Talco. The main criminal actors in the natural-resource market are state-embedded actors, who can ensure a lack of proper oversight and regulation in the market. Despite Tajikistan having the highest volume of seizures of opiates regionally, there are high levels of collusion between drug traffickers and the state, and increasingly local law enforcement is prevented from seizing vast amounts of heroin. State actors collude with domestic actors, usually Tajik warlords who have remained active since the civil war, and foreign actors, usually from Central or Western Asian countries. Similarly, Tajikistan is a significant transit country for cannabis due to its proximity to Afghanistan, a major cannabis-producing country. Substantial amounts of cannabis are trafficked together with heroin and opium through Tajikistan, suggesting that the criminal actors work across both markets, with mafia-style groups collaborating with state actors. The cocaine market, on the other hand, is negligible. There are several mafia-style groups operating within Tajikistan. Mafia control is predominant along the borders and in particular in criminal enclaves where they are embedded in the community, exerting some control over daily life. The groups are for the most part involved in drug trafficking and have forged links with state actors, sometimes even being integrated into the state administration. Tajikistan also has criminal networks often loosely connected with the ethnic clans that existed and emerged out of particular civil war factions. These clans and networks mainly compete for shares of the drug market, often combining trafficking with legitimate business, such as car exports. Most of the violence perpetrated by these gangs takes place along the borders and in neighbouring countries, rather than in Tajikistan itself. There is widespread corruption and collusion with criminal groups at all levels of government, especially in relation to drug trafficking, where high-level officials earn some of the revenues of the trade by facilitating its smooth running, using sanctions, non-prosecution and direct involvement. After the civil war, President Emomali Rahmon acquired much of the drug trade by replacing officials in anti-trafficking units with loyalists, and by using law enforcement to affect seizures of non-state-backed drug traffickers, to monopolize the market. Foreign actors also engage in the drug trade, the most prominent of which is the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Islamic State groups, and Russian, Chechen and Afghan groups. Tajikistan is a one-party state; political opponents face severe intimidation and extensive smear campaigns executed by state media. The Tajik government does not communicate a strong position against organized crime, and this is likely due to its intimate involvement in the criminal drug trafficking market. There is a serious lack of government transparency and accountability, especially concerning the lack of independent oversight mechanisms against corruption. It is woefully understaffed and under resourced and has no legal obligation to make its audit reports available to the public. Many specific areas of organized crime have been criminalized under domestic legislation, such as drug trafficking, corruption and money laundering, among others, but the legal framework underpinning the policies is deficient and ineffectively utilized. Though the judiciary is technically independent under a separation of powers, it is effectively subordinate to, and controlled by, the executive branch. Tajikistan also holds political prisoners within its prison system, where conditions are extremely poor, prisoners are tortured and denied basic needs, and violence is rife. Bribery is common among guards and prisons function as recruitment grounds for organized crime groups. Tajikistan has few law enforcement units focused specifically on combating organized crime, and the institutions it does have, such as the Drug Control Agency, have had their own serious problems with corruption. Public trust in law enforcement is extremely low, with corruption and bribery a daily occurrence in dealings with law enforcement, while arrests appear to be politically motivated rather than focused on battling organized crime. Tajikistan is also vulnerable to the radicalized Islamist groups in neighbouring Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Pakistan. Criminal groups have substantial control along the borders, especially with Kyrgyzstan and in the Gorno-Badakhshan autonomous republic where criminal groups control and are embedded in the community. Tajikistan offers a highly unattractive environment for business and having failed to recover from the financial crisis, the banking sector remains on the verge of collapse. The bureaucratic and administrative system is unreliable, and entrepreneurship is restricted by regulations. State-owned enterprises distort the economy and corruption is rampant, while private sector industry appears to play no role in mitigating organized crime. Tajikistan is assessed to have one of the highest risks of money laundering and terrorist financing in the world. Despite certain legal frameworks being in place to support victims of crime and to protect witnesses, they are deficient enough to be effectively redundant. Theoretically, compensation for victims is legally available, but is rarely provided. There is a serious lack of effective legal representation, and the subordinated judiciary means that victims are unlikely to be granted adequate justice. The government and civil society do not provide support to victims or witnesses of organized crime and victims are often themselves punished by the law. Once identified as victims by the government, they are usually passed to international or civil society organizations. Tajikistan falls considerably below international standards in reference to combating modern slavery and drug user rehabilitation. The Tajik organized crime prevention landscape has improved over the last decade, the government having, at least nominally, scaled up its efforts with regard to human trafficking in particular. The ministry of education disseminates leaflets containing information on the prohibition of child labour, a significant vulnerability in the cotton-harvesting sector. There have been various government-funded campaigns targeting human trafficking, and a national anti-trafficking commission made up of government officials, donors, NGOs and international organizations. Civil society organizations have slowly taken root and begun improving in recent years. Legislation around the formation of civil society organizations has become more liberal and regulatory thresholds for official recognition of NGOs and public associations have been lowered, while their rights have been expanded. However, local government elites closely monitor the activities of these organizations, and will prevent anything that could be perceived as political. The press environment is significantly limited and controlled, and is getting worse. Independent media outlets have been closed and websites blocked, while intelligence services intimidate, blackmail and even exile journalists. In , a new countering extremism legislation was passed, which gave authorities the ability to control the internet, monitor social media activity and block websites as they see fit. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Capital Dushanbe. Income group Lower middle income. Population 9,, Geography type Landlocked. Criminal markets 5. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 6. Human smuggling 6. Arms trafficking 4. Flora crimes 2. Fauna crimes 3. Non-renewable resource crimes 7. Heroin trade 8. Cocaine trade 2. Cannabis trade 6. Synthetic drug trade 5. Criminal actors 6. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 5. Criminal networks 5. State-embedded actors 9. Foreign actors 5. Political leadership and governance 3. Government transparency and accountability 2. International cooperation 3. National policies and laws 2. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 3. Law enforcement 3. Territorial integrity 2. Anti-money laundering 3. Economic regulatory capacity 3. Victim and witness support 2. Prevention 3. Non-state actors 2. Analysis Download full profile english. People Tajikistan is a country of origin, as well as a destination market for human trafficking, where limited livelihood options, combined with a demand for low-skilled labour in neighbouring countries, mean Tajiki men are vulnerable to being trafficked for forced labour into Russia, Kazakhstan and the UAE. Trade After the Tajik civil war ended in , the number of illicit firearms has decreased significantly due to the work of the government and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Environment The flora criminal market is minor in Tajikistan, mainly limited to illicit logging to meet domestic demand for fuelwood. Criminal Actors There are several mafia-style groups operating within Tajikistan. Leadership and governance Tajikistan is a one-party state; political opponents face severe intimidation and extensive smear campaigns executed by state media. Criminal justice and security Though the judiciary is technically independent under a separation of powers, it is effectively subordinate to, and controlled by, the executive branch. Economic and financial environment Tajikistan offers a highly unattractive environment for business and having failed to recover from the financial crisis, the banking sector remains on the verge of collapse. Civil society and social protection Despite certain legal frameworks being in place to support victims of crime and to protect witnesses, they are deficient enough to be effectively redundant. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.

Tajikistan

Tajikistan where can I buy cocaine

These datasets underpin the analysis presented in the agency's work. Most data may be viewed interactively on screen and downloaded in Excel format. All countries. Topics A-Z. The content in this section is aimed at anyone involved in planning, implementing or making decisions about health and social responses. Best practice. We have developed a systemic approach that brings together the human networks, processes and scientific tools necessary for collecting, analysing and reporting on the many aspects of the European drugs phenomenon. Explore our wide range of publications, videos and infographics on the drugs problem and how Europe is responding to it. All publications. More events. More news. We are your source of drug-related expertise in Europe. We prepare and share independent, scientifically validated knowledge, alerts and recommendations. About the EUDA. The content of this summary does not necessarily reflect the official opinions of the European Union, nor the official opinion of the Republic of Tajikistan, and should be seen as the product of CADAP 5. Updated: August Studies on the prevalence of drug use among the population of Tajikistan were not carried out in In total, 5 respondents were interviewed, of which 2 The study found that the female respondents had a slightly higher awareness of the existence of drugs than the males. Some Among all respondents, Some 1. The survey results showed that However, When asked about drug use, 0. The consumption of inhalants was the most prevalent. According to the responses, 1. The use of marijuana or hashish was second most popular, with 0. The first experience with drugs most often took place at the age of 16 and usually the drug was marijuana, amphetamines, or tranquillisers. In a series of educational, sports and cultural events aimed at promoting a healthy lifestyle were organised. Participants were given information about the problems of drug use in modern society and its consequences. Health bulletins were issued and health information prepared in both the Tajik and Russian languages. Articles were published in newspapers and magazines and awareness-raising programmes were broadcast on three TV channels Channel One, Safina, and Jahonnamo and on the Republican radio. Anti-drug events are also organised annually to coincide with the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking 26 June. Studies to estimate the population of opiate users, including injecting drug users IDUs , were not carried out in Drug treatment is carried out in the Republic of Tajikistan in specialised drug treatment facilities. The State guarantees anonymous drug treatment. In a total of 1 people received inpatient treatment in substance abuse treatment centres. Of these, The number of drug addicts who received hospital treatment in increased by The main strategic focus of this programme included:. As of 31 December , the country had 3 officially registered HIV cases cumulative number , of which The HIV prevalence rate was HIV cases have been registered in 66 of the 68 districts of the country. The average estimated number of HIV-positive people in the country ranges between 6 —10 Moreover, in recent years, the number of newly reported HIV cases among females has increased almost 2. Thus, in the proportion of women among registered new cases was 8. In , of the total number of registered HIV cases, In the country registered new cases of HIV infection, of which Among the newly registered HIV cases, people The number of reported cases of hepatitis C virus HCV in was According to the Centre for Health Statistics of the Ministry of Health of Tajikistan, in there were cases of syphilis infection among the general population, of which were male and were female. The official data from Tajikistan provide very limited information on the number of deaths related to drug use. Drug treatment is carried out in the Republic of Tajikistan at specialised drug treatment facilities. Services provided by specialised drug treatment agencies in the country include inpatient and outpatient care, anti-relapse therapy, rehabilitation programmes, work with drug addicts and efforts to prevent substance abuse. Treatment of drug dependence in the Republic of Tajikistan is conducted mainly at public drug treatment facilities, including:. The availability of substance abuse treatment beds in the Republic of Tajikistan is 4 per inhabitants. Harm reduction programmes are implemented to minimise the consequences of drug use. Geographically, the HR programme covers almost the whole of the country. In the Government of the Republic of Tajikistan reviewed and supported the letter of the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Tajikistan asking it to consider a pilot implementation of a programme of OST. Up to patients have received OST at this centre. This is the first gender-sensitive project in the Republic of Tajikistan. The centre provided low-threshold services laundry, showers, communication, leisure, food, sanitary napkins and legal advice and referral to doctors. In this centre, 62 were re-adaptation clients, 40 of whom abstained during the reported period, and two patients were referred for further rehabilitation to the Tangai Republican Rehabilitation Centre. These clients received low-threshold services and advice at the drop-in centre. Five hundred motivational packages were given to the most active clients. Harm reduction programmes were first introduced in the Republic of Tajikistan in in Dushanbe, Khujand and Khorog, mainly in the form of needle exchange programmes NEPs and via the distribution of information materials. In Kulyab a hour drop-in centre for drug users was opened by the non-government organisation NGO Anis. The NGO Volunteer, which implemented a programme in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast GBAO , provided services 9 times during the reporting period, including services related to: social support 1 ; prevention 2 ; healthcare 2 ; information and counselling 1 ; psychological care and support ; legal services ; and social services The Social Bureau covered 1 clients people injecting drugs, 9 sex workers, 24 people living with HIV, 89 people with tuberculosis, 52 ex-prisoners with HBV and 15 with HCV, 1 minor at risk, and vulnerable women. As part of this programme, one mobile trust point and four NSPs were established, located on the premises of the National Tuberculosis Hospital in urban health centres Nos 2, 12 and During the reporting period, RAN served 1 clients. A total of syringes were exchanged and 23 condoms were distributed. In a total of 4 The steady increase in seizures of cannabis, primarily hashish, continued in , with the result that cannabis comprised This significant change in the type of drug seized was a result of an increase in the areas sown with cannabis in Afghanistan in recent years. The impurities in the samples of heroin that were seized were found to be from the manufacturing process — 6-monoacetylmorphine and acetylcodeine — and cutting agents of extrinsic origin — caffeine, acetaminophen paracetamol and dextromethorphan. No extrinsic substances were found in the narcotic opium seized in Starch-containing substances were found in just a few samples. The physical appearance of the cannabis resin that was seized was either in the form of a rod or of material compressed into rectangular tiles. The dimensions of tiles varied within the following ranges: width 14—16 cm, length 21—23 cm, thickness 2—3 cm. Drug prices in Tajikistan increase in proportion to the distance from the state border. The legislation of the Republic of Tajikistan in the field of drug control is based on the rules and recommendations of the United Nations Drug Treaties and Conventions , , , of which Tajikistan became a signatory in and The main purpose of Law No. Law No. The main objectives of the law are the protection of the rights and legitimate interests of people suffering from substance abuse and addiction, establishing bases and procedures for the provision of substance abuse treatment, and the protection and security of professionals providing drug treatment services. Article 6 of the Constitution guarantees the following types of drug treatment and social protection:. The main objective of this law is the realisation of the national policy and international agreements of Tajikistan in the sphere of licit trafficking of narcotic substances, psychotropic substances and precursors, countermeasures of their illicit trafficking, prevention of drugs and toxicomania and rendering of narcological assistance to people suffering from drug addiction and toxicomania. The main task of the law is to protect the rights and legal interests of people suffering from narcological diseases, establish grounds and a procedure for rendering narcological assistance and to protect the rights of medical and other workers rendering narcological assistance. According to Article 6 of the Law, the Government guarantees the following kinds of narcological assistance and social protection:. Chapter 22 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Tajikistan effective from 1 September stipulates responsibility for the following violations of the law related to drug issues:. The National Strategy of the Republic of Tajikistan in the field of the control of narcotic drugs is aimed at preventing the use of the territory of the state by transnational organised drug traffickers to smuggle narcotics, international commitments and the establishment of strict control over the licit movement of narcotic drugs, ensuring the effective fight against drug trafficking, guaranteeing the medical care of patients with drug addiction and increasing international cooperation in this area. One of the measures taken by the Government of the Republic of Tajikistan in the field of drug control is the coordination of bodies at all levels of society in order to synchronise the activities of law enforcement agencies in the fight against drug trafficking, as well as the relevant ministries and agencies in the control of drug trafficking, psychotropic substances and precursors, and drug prevention. The main body that coordinates ministries, departments and organisations in the prevention of drug abuse, regardless of their form of ownership, is the Coordinating Council on the prevention of drug abuse, approved by Decree No. According to the decree, regional, city, and district councils for the coordination of drug prevention activities were established under republican subordination in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast, Sughd and Khatlon regions, the city of Dushanbe, and other cities and districts. The Coordinating Council is recognised as the supervisory body of the interaction of ministries, departments and state bodies in the conduct of activities aimed at the prevention of the non-medical use of narcotic drugs and psychotropic and other drugs. Homepage Quick links Quick links. GO Results hosted on duckduckgo. Main navigation Data Open related submenu Data. Latest data Prevalence of drug use Drug-induced deaths Infectious diseases Problem drug use Treatment demand Seizures of drugs Price, purity and potency. Drug use and prison Drug law offences Health and social responses Drug checking Hospital emergencies data Syringe residues data Wastewater analysis Data catalogue. Selected topics Alternatives to coercive sanctions Cannabis Cannabis policy Cocaine Darknet markets Drug checking Drug consumption facilities Drug markets Drug-related deaths Drug-related infectious diseases. Recently published Findings from a scoping literature…. Penalties at a glance. Frequently asked questions FAQ : drug…. FAQ: therapeutic use of psychedelic…. Viral hepatitis elimination barometer…. EU Drug Market: New psychoactive…. EU Drug Market: Drivers and facilitators. Statistical Bulletin home. Quick links Search news Subscribe newsletter for recent news Subscribe to news releases. Breadcrumb Home Publications Tajikistan country overview Tajikistan country overview Contents Drug use among the general population and young people Prevention Problem drug use Treatment demand Drug-related infectious diseases Drug-related deaths Treatment responses Harm reduction responses Drug markets and drug-law offences National drug laws National drug strategy Coordination mechanism in the field of drugs References. Agency on Statistics under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan.

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