Submissive Behaviour In School

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Submissive Behaviour In School
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They are high in submissive behaviours, or low dominance, as seen from the other pole, which researchers consider a sign of poor agency (Wiggins & Pincus, 1989).
Lance M. Rappaport PhD , in Journal of Psychiatry and Neuroscience , 2018
Laboratory-based research with community samples has suggested changes in affective, behavioural and cognitive processes as possible explanations for the effects of serotonergic medications. Examining the effects of serotonergic medications using an ecological momentary measure (such as event-contingent recording) in the daily lives of people with social anxiety disorder would contribute to establishing the effects of these medications on affect, behaviour and one form of cognition: perception of others’ behaviour.
The present study assessed changes in affect, interpersonal behaviour and perception of others’ behaviour in adults with social anxiety disorder using ecological momentary assessment at baseline and over 4 months of a single-arm, uncontrolled, open-label trial of treatment with the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor paroxetine.
Anxiety and concurrent depressive symptoms decreased. Participants also reported increased positive and decreased negative affect; increased agreeable and decreased quarrelsome behaviour; increased dominant and decreased submissive behaviour; and increased perception that others behaved agreeably toward them. Moreover, participants demonstrated reduced intraindividual variability in affect, interpersonal behaviour and perception of others’ behaviour.
Limitations included the lack of a placebo group, the inability to identify the temporal order of changes and the restricted assessment of extreme behaviour.
The results of the present study demonstrate changes during pharmacotherapy in the manifestation of affect, interpersonal behaviour and interpersonal perception in the daily lives of people with social anxiety disorder. Given the importance of interpersonal processes to social anxiety disorder, these results may guide future research seeking to clarify mechanisms of action for serotonergic medications.
Females exhibit relatively stable linear dominance hierarchies, as defined by spontaneous submissive behaviors in dyadic contexts ( Bergstrom and Fedigan, 2010; Perry, 1996a ). Female rank reversals are rare, and an adult female can expect to be challenged approximately once every 2.3 years (Santa Rosa: Bergstrom and Fedigan, 2010 ). Although females tend to support their closer kin against less closely related individuals ( Perry et al., 2008 ), white-faced capuchins do not follow the strict “youngest ascendancy” rule of rank acquisition seen in most cercopithecines, in which a female's youngest daughter assumes the rank immediately below that of her mother, with her siblings occupying the ranks right below her according to their ages ( Bergstrom and Fedigan, 2010; Perry et al., 2008 ). Females tended to deviate from predictions of the “youngest ascendancy” model by about 1.5 ranks over a 10-year period in AA group at Lomas during which the number of adult females increased from 5 to 10 ( Perry et al., 2008 ). In a sample of 22 sister pairs from 5 social groups at Lomas, there were 18 cases in which the eldest sister was dominant at least initially (reversing ranks permanently in 6 cases later in life) and 4 cases in which the youngest sister was dominant when she first climbed the hierarchy but reversed ranks later in life ( Perry et al., 2008 ; S. Perry, unpublished data). In this same data set, most changes in dominance rank were due to the physical maturation of the alpha female's daughters and granddaughters, who assumed ranks higher than some of the subordinate females in the group. However, two adult females dropped below the ranks of their own daughters. A study of female dominance ranks at Santa Rosa (including 33 females from 3 groups, 9 of which were included in the rank acquisition analysis) demonstrated that there was a high correlation between early adult rank and later adult rank, and that older sisters are dominant to younger sisters ( N = 8), with the exception of one dyad in 1 year ( Bergstrom and Fedigan, 2010 ). Because mothers were present in only 33% of these cases, they were not available to help their youngest daughters defeat their older daughters in the dominance hierarchy. Thus, lack of support is a possible reason for why young daughters failed to ascend above their older sisters ( Bergstrom and Fedigan, 2010 ). In 21 of 22 cases at Lomas, however, the mother was still alive when the younger sister acquired her initial adult rank, and yet 82% of oldest sisters retained their dominance over younger adult sisters (S. Perry, unpublished data).
Robert M. Kliegman MD , in Nelson Textbook of Pediatrics , 2020
It is possible to reduce the risk of animal bite injury with anticipatory guidance ( Table 743.4 ). Parents should be routinely counseled during prenatal visits and routine health maintenance examinations about the risks of having potentially biting pets in the household. All patients should be cautioned against harboring exotic animals for pets. Additionally, parents should be made aware of the proclivity of certain breeds of dogs to inflict serious injuries and the protective instincts of nursing dams. All young children should be closely supervised, particularly when in the presence of animals, and from a very early age should be taught to respect animals and to be aware of their potential to inflict injury. Reduction of the rate of human bite injuries, particularly in daycare centers and schools, can be achieved by good surveillance of the children and adequate teacher-to-child ratios.
Bibliography is available at Expert Consult.
As described by Henry, activation of the SAM system and high catecholamine output are associated with an active coping style and dominant behavior among animals, whereas passive coping and the defeat reaction are associated with activation of the HPA axis, high cortisol levels, and submissive behavior . A similar but less consistent pattern of findings has been reported in humans. Recently, an association between high epinephrine and cortisol levels and low socioeconomic status has been found.
In human stress, epinephrine levels are significantly elevated by stress caused by over- as well as by understimulation, compared with more optimal environmental conditions. This means that work overload, a very high work pace, too much responsibility, role conflicts, as well as simple, monotonous and repetitive jobs or lack of meaningful activities (e.g., unemployment), may contribute to elevated epinephrine levels. However, as demonstrated by Levi, epinephrine output reflects the intensity of stress rather than its emotional valence. Intensive pleasant stimulation, such as watching a funny movie, may induce elevated epinephrine levels as well as does unpleasant stimulation.
Laboratory studies of fear conditioning using artificial stimuli under rigid parametric control are highly useful for analyzing the neural substrates of emotional learning and memory. Fear conditioning, of course, is a form of learning with relevance to an animal’s niche and is the product of interactions with members of other species (e.g., predators) and even members of the same species (e.g., aggressive conspecifics). For example, in Syrian hamsters social defeat by a resident, dominant conspecific has been shown to yield later submissive behavior in the defeated individual that has some similarities with conditioned fear ( Potegal et al., 1993 ). Interestingly, pharmacological inactivation of the amygdala in the subordinate animal during the aggressive encounter impairs the development of fear-related submissive behavior ( Jasnow and Huhman, 2001; Jasnow et al., 2004a,b ). In addition, augmenting molecular pathways that foster amygdala plasticity facilitate the development of submissive behavior that follows social defeat ( Jasnow et al., 2005 ). Although the neurobiological analysis of this form of social fear conditioning is relatively young, it is interesting that it too requires the amygdala.
Conditioned fear is not only the product of certain social interactions but is also the source itself for generating fear in conspecific animals that have not themselves experienced aversive stimuli. There are multiple routes by which fear in one individual might be communicated to another. In rodents, olfactory stimuli and ultrasonic vocalizations are potent in this regard ( Blanchard and Blanchard, 1989 ). Lesions of the amygdala, but not hippocampus, prevent the acquisition of fear-conditioned ultrasonic vocalizations ( Koo et al., 2004; Lee and Kim, 2004 ). Moreover, both conditioned and unconditioned vocalization after discharges are sensitive to central amygdala damage ( Borszcz and Leaton, 2003 ). The fact that conditional fear-induced vocalizations depend on the amygdala is not surprising insofar as all the Pavlovian fear CRs we have discussed depend on the amygdala.
However, an interesting new discovery is that the amygdala of a naïve observer appears to be engaged by the fearful behavior of a conspecific that has undergone an aversive fear-conditioning procedure ( Knapska et al., 2006a ). In this case, molecular markers of cellular activity (c-fos expression) were upregulated in several amygdaloid nuclei of rats merely exposed to a cage-mate that had undergone fear conditioning, even though the observers themselves never experienced the aversive conditioning procedure. This is similar to the activation of the human amygdala that has been observed by verbal warnings of potential fear experiences without actual presentations of an aversive stimulus ( Phelps et al., 2001 ). Interestingly, subsequent emotional learning and memory in the observer rats, which was assessed in a shock-motivated shuttle avoidance task, was facilitated. This suggests that a brief social interaction with a cage-mate that undergoes an aversive learning experience promotes aversive learning in an otherwise naïve animal. Apparently, fear conditioning has an important role in promoting adaptive defensive behavior in both the individual experiencing an aversive event, as well as others that are in proximity to the affected individual. In both cases, amygdala activity appears essential.
Eva Gilboa-Schechtman , ... Liat Helpman , in Social Anxiety (Third Edition) , 2014
Several evolutionary models emphasized the role of the social rank system in social anxiety. Öhman (1986) postulated that the evolutionary origin of social fears lies in a dominance-submissiveness system. Encounters geared to establish social hierarchy may include symbolic gestures of dominance directed towards acquiring high rank, as well as submissive gestures aimed to avoid harm. Öhman argues that these submissive gestures epitomize social anxiety.
Trower & Gilbert (1989) proposed that socially anxious individuals tended to be “locked into”, or over-utilize the social rank system, and under-utilize the affiliation system. Socially anxious individuals are attuned to cues and signs of dominance and to the competitive dynamic of the social world, frequently at the expense of the attunement to signals of affiliation. Because socially anxious individuals evaluate themselves as low in social attractiveness, they fear making bids for status or approval, since these claims are associated with conflict, disgrace, or rejection. The fear of competition on the one hand, and the need to remain in the social arena on the other hand, lead them to recruit verbal and non-verbal submissive behaviors to manage these conflicts (e.g., eye-gaze avoidance, self-derogation) ( Gilbert, 2001 ). Multiple recent investigations supported this account ( Aderka, Weisman, Shahar, & Gilboa-Schechtman, 2009 ; Sturman, 2011 ; Weeks, Heimberg, & Heuer, 2011 ; Weisman, Aderka, Marom, Hermesh, & Gilboa-Schechtman, 2011 ; Zuroff et al., 2010 ).
Hermans and van Honk (2006) highlight the possibility that, under certain circumstances, social anxiety may be adaptive. They propose that the adaptive function of social anxiety is rooted in ancient communicative systems that regulate social order and inhibit inappropriate and antisocial behaviors. Weeks and colleagues (2008) elaborate this line of thinking, suggesting that the tendency to avoid evaluations and to exhibit submissive behaviors helped some individuals to cope with social threats by dodging conflicts with powerful others. Whereas submissive behaviors may be adaptive in aggressive environments, in prosocial environments fear and submissiveness are potentially unattractive, and may hinder the individual in fulfilling various social goals such as attracting peers and partners or impressing powerful others (e.g., Taylor & Alden, 2011 ; Weeks, Rodebaugh, Heimberg, Norton, & Jakatdar, 2008 ).
Leary’s account ( Leary, 2001 ) proposes that social anxiety functions as a mechanism designed to prevent social rejection or exclusion, thus linking social anxiety to the functioning of the affiliation/belongingness system. According to his model, one of the individual’s main social tasks is to monitor their level of relational value in the eyes of others. In order to do so, a specific motivational-affective system (sociometer) has evolved (see Leary & Jongman-Sereno, 2013, Chapter 20 ). Acting in continuous and automatic fashion, the sociometer serves as part of an exclusion warning system, which also motivates the organism to take corrective actions in order to ensure that they remain a valued relationship partner. Social anxiety may represent an overly sensitive sociometer system that generates many “false alarms.” A warning signal from the sociometer leads to a wide gamut of negative feelings, as well as a rise in self-awareness. Heightened self-awareness is experienced as troubling, and prevents socially anxious individuals from devoting their full attention to the tasks at hand. However, enhanced concern regarding one’s relational value may jeopardize one’s ability to initiate and maintain social bonds.
In our view, social anxiety is characterized by (1) a thin-skinned disposition to matters of social rank; (2) a propensity to respond to social rank changes by lowering one’s social profile (aka submissiveness, subordination), and (3) an enhanced coupling of the ABS and SRBS systems, such that a negative change in one system carries over to the other. For example, social anxiety might involve linking exclusion to demotion and defeat to rejection. We agree with the emphasis on the role of the social rank system in social anxiety (e.g., Aderka, Weisman, Shahar, & Gilboa-Schechtman, 2009 ; Haker, Aderka, Marom, Hermesh, & Gilboa-Schechtman, 2013 ). However, like Leary (2001) , we recognize the involvement of the affiliation system as well. From an evolutionary point of view, it seems reasonable that the linkage between the two systems contributes to “social cautiousness” (or to the sensitivity of the sociometer) in that it alerts the individual to changes in social fortunes. Clearly, while such sensitivity may be advantageous in unstable hierarchies and shifting alliances, it may backfire in moderately benevolent and cohesive social groups.
To examine this proposition, we review research from a wide array of empirical findings. Firstly, we focus on the perception and expression of non-verbal cues, conveying information regarding emotions and social intentions. Next, we explore the ways in which socially anxious individuals form impressions of others. We then briefly explore the developing understanding regarding the translation of these evolutionarily based systems into the online social sphere. Finally, we outline findings concerning the reactions of socially anxious individuals to events signaling changes in social standing and belongingness.
Nuwan Jayawickreme , ... Andrew G. Ryder , in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology (Second Edition) , 2022
In addition to misdiagnosis, culture may inform personality traits and influence diagnostic patterns for personality disorders. Japanese cultural contexts tend to be more collectivistic and it is socially acceptable for members of this community to depend on each other as a core value ( Rothbaum et al., 2000 ). Dependent and submissive behaviors are deemed socially appropriate and reflect East Asian values ( Chen et al., 2009 ). Modern psychology was founded upon euro-centric, Western views that idealize independence and self, which is contrary to Japanese cultural tendencies. Whereas Western cultural contexts tend to emphasize individual achievement and uniqueness, Japanese cultural contexts tend to favor kinship, family orientations and social harmony ( Chen et al., 2009 ).
The diagnosis of dependent personality disorder is based on North American individualistic cultural values and is characterized by difficulty expressing disagreement leading to submissiveness. Japanese people are more likely to exhibit overt dependent behaviors, and clinicians may misinterpret Japanese dependence as pathological when it is a cultural norm ( Ryder et al., 2014 ). Clinicians should re-assess culturally shaped meanings of relatedness and normalcy when evaluating interdependent behaviors among Japanese patients. Unfounded assumptions based on clinician bias can create normative beliefs that deem minority cultural behaviors as socially deviant.
The Zurich Model of Social Motivation by Bischof ( 1985 , 1993 , Fig. 1 ) arose from the want of a quantitative model able to explain and predict processes of social distance regulations. Such regulations have been described by attachment theorists such as Bowlby ( 1969 ) and also occur during individuation processes in puberty and adolescence. In short, the model postulates three basic motivational systems: the security, the arousal, and the autonomy system. All of these are represented as negative feedback loops and are considered homeostatic. In addition, there is a fourth system, the coping system, which deals with cases in which one of the other systems gets blocked and cannot operate in its usual manner. These four systems will be described qualitatively, although there also exists a mathematical description (Bischof 1993 , Gubler and Bischof 1991 , Gubler et al. 1994 ).
Figure 1 . The Zurich Model of Social Motivation (after Bischof 1993 , p. 13)
Security is defined as the feeling of intimacy, warmth, protection, and so forth that one obtains when one is close to a familiar person, typically one's primary caregiver. This feeling has its source in three input variables, all of which are sensed by a specific detector. The detector for familiarity provides the information as to whether a certain object is familiar, in contrast to being new, unknown, or discrepant from one's expectancies. The detector for relevancy assesses the rank and the ‘conspecificity’ of the object in question. The detector's output is highest when the perceived object is an adult, high-ranking conspecific, and can be reduced, for example, by submissive behavior of the object or by substitution of a human adult by another object such as a child or an animal. The third detector gives information about the distance between oneself and the perce
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