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His name was Baltazar Olayzola Diaz, and he had served with the Soyapango municipal police force. He was the 49th police officer assassinated in , and one of 17 people killed that day. Salvadoran cities have seen more blood spilled than most conflict zones. They are also hemorrhaging people, many of whom are fleeing to Mexico and the United States. According to new figures produced by the Institute of Legal Medicine in El Salvador, there were 6, killings in the country last year. That translates into a national homicide rate of almost per ,, more than 17 times the global average. The circumstances of these killings are disturbingly familiar. More often than not, illegal drugs are involved. With so much drug money at stake, violent disputes over shipping routes and retail outlets are routine. The collateral effects of these drug wars mean that innocent civilians get caught up in the crossfire. The recent bloodletting can be traced to the dissolution of a unpopular gang truce between rival factions in Although the cease-fire temporarily halved the homicide rate, it failed to reduce other criminal activities such as extortion. As a result, the government doubled down on supermano dura iron-fist policies designed to crush the maras. An aggressive police offensive has since been linked to dozens of massacres and disappearances of gang members. Not only are they at war with the police and with one another, but each is also waging a civil war within its own ranks. In a bid to keep these countries from spinning out of control, the U. According to the national Truth and Reconciliation Commission, roughly 75, people were slaughtered from to , during the civil war. It also demands preventive measures that curb family disruption and protect the most vulnerable members of society. If they want to reduce crime, they should improve the lives and opportunities of working families and unsupervised youth. International donors could work with the Salvadoran authorities to make a serious investment in its hardest-hit cities and most vulnerable populations. FUNDASAL, one foundation in the capital, offers credit to households headed by women, refurbishes community centers and upgrades slum areas in cooperation with local authorities and residents. It seems to be making a difference; families benefiting from targeted cash transfers report lower levels of victimization. Another recently launched program, El Salvador Seguro, is devoted to strengthening the rule of law, rehabilitating young offenders and protecting victims in 50 municipalities. But these are incremental, small-scale solutions. Ultimately, the only way to reliably reduce homicide in El Salvador — or anywhere in Latin America — is to end the war on drugs. Without legal regulation, control and enforcement, violent gangs will continue to dominate the illicit drug trade. More enlightened drug policies from El Salvador to the U. Academia Academia. Terceiro Setor Terceiro Setor. Iniciativa privada Iniciativa privada. Outra Outra. Qual o motivo da sua visita? Redes sociais de terceiros Redes sociais de terceiros. Eventos Eventos. Outro Outro. Search for:. Barra de Ferramentas Aberta Acessibilidade.
At that time, the gang had no reliable revenue stream, though members sold drugs on street corners, committed petty robberies and demanded small.
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Two months after the three-day transport strike, which spread uncontrolled panic among Salvadorans, speculations about who was behind it raise more questions than answers. It has no single leader and its more than 70, members are organized in cells. Pandilla 18 is another criminal youth gang active in El Salvador with a long history of gang war with MS13 for control of the streets, made famous by a recent documentary La Vida Loca. There were many reasons to believe the gangs were only fronting the strike. On the morning of Tuesday, September 7, the first day of the strike, it became apparent that a massive campaign to destabilize the government was taking place. The media, websites and e-mail chain letters spread a totally unfounded wave of rumors about acts of violence… By midday, only one such act was confirmed: the burning of a bus in Ilopango. In fact homicides—averaging thirteen a day in previous months—dropped to just one on the first day of the strike and to less than five for the three-day period. September ended with an average of seven a day, half those usually reported. Attributing lawlessness in the country to it is at the heart of their attacks, and is an incessant claim. And this, despite the fact that the current government has dedicated more than a year to guaranteeing the security of big businesses, drawing back from the proposed review of the Central American Free Trade Agreement CAFTA , ignoring tax reform measures that would modify the existing regressive tax reform structure, supporting transnational telephone companies when the Legislative Assembly abolished their illegal charges, and endorsing the future privatization of Port Cutuco, the hydroelectric dams, the airport and road networks. In foreign policy, the Funes government has followed US interests, steering clear of anything that smacks of Venezuela or ALBA and leading the international campaign to recognize the illegitimate government of Pepe Lobo in Honduras. Salguero repeated that position at a conference that Honduran coup leader, Roberto Micheletti, organized in San Salvador in June for rightwing businesspeople and politicians. The third strike? The transport strike in September was the third time in the last fifteen months that the capital city was paralyzed by a curfew, real or fictitious, allegedly declared by the gangs. Four months later another alleged curfew closed down schools and businesses and suspended urban transport, but the September 7 stoppage has been the biggest yet. It has left a political echo that, accidentally or deliberately, resounds well with the stepped up speeches about lawlessness. Do the drug barrels explain it? The strike had a spectacular precursor. According to the media, investigations indicate that the money belonged to drug traffickers from a Central American network jointly run by Guatemalan and Salvadoran bands. No further information was forthcoming. Police connections? National Police Inspector General Zaira Navas has worked hard to rid the institution of ties to organized crime. In September and October, her office, which is responsible for internally processing disciplinary matters and illegal acts committed by members of the police force, recorded open cases. These included 20 cases of former armed force members who, in the same week as the strike, conducted a media campaign claiming they were being politically persecuted for having belonged to the military during the armed conflict. The two are accused of having links to the drug trafficking network allegedly led by Natividad Luna Pereira. In , former National Police Director Ricardo Meneses was forced to resign from his post as deputy chief of security in the Salvadoran Embassy in Washington on suspicion of having connections with Luna Pereira and a leader of Pandilla Plan Chameleon? A lot of information linking different police stations with drug trafficking was obtained during the operation but it had to be suspended after it was leaked that El Tamarindo station was being run by the DAN. Events led to two homicides that remain unpunished. Legislators too? The most valuable cargo went from a port to a warehouse to a port. Five days after the charge and one day after the end of the strike, they approved the creation of a special commission to investigate General Inspector Zaira Navas, who has the support of the director of the National Police, the minister of justice and public safety and President Funes himself. Does money laundering explain it? Laundering has to be done by bankers or people linked to finance If tons of cocaine go up, the equivalent amount of money comes down. The money generated from the sale of this enormous quantity of cocaine represents a huge amount of cash that has to be brought into these countries. This massive volume of cash has to be deposited in a bank as a financial maneuver to convert it into a letter of credit or a bank account so it can be invested. This is laundering. And laundering is bigger than the cocaine business for people in this area. The Mexican Zetas? Starting in late , there was talk that the Mexican Zetas cartel, a relatively new piece in the puzzle, was present in El Salvador. As a result their training included handling sophisticated weapons and expertise in counterinsurgency work. An indeterminate number of former Guatemalan kaibiles special commando troops also joined the Zetas, which became autonomous of the Gulf cartel in , although the separation was only formalized in March of this year. The first reference to a relationship between the Zetas and El Salvador appeared in El Diario de Hoy at the end of in a report about members of the Mara Salvatrucha joining military exercises carried out by the Mexican group. At the time of the Mano Duro Hard Hand and Super Mano Duro governmental operations , human rights organizations warned that such repressive measures would cause a counter reaction, leading young gang members to become more sophisticated and join more professional structures in order to survive the persecution. But neither public opinion nor the authorities were open to heeding that prediction at the time. Today, we can see that it has become a real trend. They claimed they collaborate with these gangs in two main activities—as hired guns They said they were not involved in regional drug trafficking, which, according to regional and US authorities, is the main motivation behind the regional anti-gang strategies guided and financed by the United States. Was it the transport entrepreneurs? Their threats are based on two arguments, which they have reiterated again and again. They made their first threat in April , a month after the presidential elections. Whether through lack of interest or lack of ability, no previous government has ever seriously worked at improving the chaotic public transport service. Some of the bus owners, especially the leaders, form part of the rightwing bloc that has systematically trumpeted about ungovernability in El Salvador. President Funes criticized the transport associations for their performance during the September strike. Some of them even said they should be given a bonus, an incentive, or that now is a good time to approve a fare increase. Some people tried to report this to the rightwing media but they simply ignored it. Yet another political event took place during the September strike whose outcome, like all the others, it speeded up: President Funes was negotiating to get US government support for the fight against delinquency and crime. The project has been criticized for being undercover counterinsurgency aid to complement US political and economic efforts to counter advances in political projects touting the construction of 21st-century socialism; and for not achieving its explicit goal of fighting drug trafficking and organized crime. Obviously drug trafficking can only be halted by freezing its largest market: the United States. Are the gangs just a front? All these interwoven beneficiaries of the September strike make it difficult to discover who its true authors were. Gang members were obviously involved, as their statement proves. But it is equally obvious that the gangs represent a broad and varied spectrum of interests. Unlike the anti-gang law, which the Supreme Court declared unconstitutional a year later, the new law has no guidelines promoting the raids and mass arrests of young people that were characteristic of the period. The real effects of the new legislation depend on a proposed reform of Article of the Penal Code, related to unlawful associations, which was mentioned in the recently approved Proscription Law. This modification would carry penal implications beyond administrative measures. Possibly for this reason, or through poor and confusing information circulating about the law even among the authorities themselves, the Law for Proscription of Gangs has still not been implemented over a month after it entered into force, So far it has been more effective in appealing to public opinion than in prohibiting these groups. More questions than answers More than two months after the transport strike, which spread uncontrolled panic among the Salvadoran population, there are still more questions than answers. To what extent do they reach agreements? To what extent do they trust in the collaboration or approval of other sectors? Or to what extent was all that happened pure coincidence? Amanda Mayen is a sociologist specializing in social violence. Print text. Send text. Home Search Back issues. Number Noviembre Home Search Archive. Nicaragua Maktub?
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