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Will Mexico's drug cartels see a drop in profits as a result of changes in the US? Earlier this month, two US states voted to legalise, regulate and tax marijuana. Every year, pro-marijuana campaigners in Seattle hold their annual Hempfest, a two-day festival along the city's shoreline. Thick pungent clouds of pot smoke waft over the crowd who are sitting out with a joint in their hand, listening to the live music, or pottering among the dozens of stalls selling bongs, pipes and other smoking paraphernalia. The police are on hand to ensure there is no open buying or selling of the drug. But at the next 'Hempfest', they may not even need to do that. On the day voters in Washington state chose to re-elect President Barack Obama, they also chose to legalise the recreational use of marijuana. Over the Rockies in Colorado, it was a similar story. When the measure comes into effect in Colorado in early December, it will be legal to possess 1oz 28g of marijuana if you are over 21; it will be legal to grow up to six marijuana plants in your house; and it will be legal to give away up to 1oz. There are still complex questions about creating a regulatory framework for the production and distribution of the drug, which may take at least another year. Needless to say, such a move puts the two states on a legal collision course with the federal government and its drug enforcement policies. But Dr Kilmer believes it is a mistake to view the Obama administration as a single entity in this regard. But it's important that we don't think of it as a homogenous actor. Marijuana is the main cash crop for Mexico's violent drug cartels. Meanwhile, thousands of kilometres away, in a 'smoke shop' in Mexico City, the news of Colorado and Washington's decision has been warmly welcomed. Surrounded by glass cabinets full of expensive-looking vaporiser, the proprietor tells me that many of his customers are hoping for a similar law in Mexico. The man in Mexico currently leading the charge to change the law is left-wing politician Fernando Belauzaran. He has introduced a bill in Congress along similar lines to the one in Colorado, which would bring marijuana under the same regulation as alcohol. Mr Belauzaran does not necessarily expect his measure to pass in this legislative session. But what is important, he says, is the new discourse on the issue. The US states are likely to fall foul of federal drug policies. In some parts of the US and Mexican media, the decision in Washington state and Colorado has been called a 'game-changer' in the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the United States on the war on drugs. Both the outgoing administration and the incoming one in Mexico have indicated that they expect things to develop with respect to marijuana during President Obama's second term. Hosting several central American leaders recently, Mexican President Felipe Calderon said the decision in the US was a 'change in paradigm' on drug consumption. He called for the United Nations and the Organisation of American States to help clarify the situation. But it is not just in Mexico that the debate on marijuana is shifting. Uruguay too, under left-wing President Jose Mujica, is moving to put the state in charge of regulating the cultivation and consumption of legal cannabis. Continent-wide, there are obviously many discussions still to be had. Advocates and opponents disagree about the extent to which legalisation of marijuana would hurt the drug cartels' profits - some quoting figures in the billions, others in the mere tens of millions. And there is still a long way to go before President Obama formulates a coherent response to the voters' decision in the two states. But amid the smoke and mirrors, one thing seems clear: when it comes to marijuana in the Americas, the seeds of change have been sown. Rand Drug Policy Research Center. This video can not be played To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser. Use of force. The new government went even further. Related internet links.

Palestinian refugees struggle with drugs

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The year-old Palestinian refugee, whose parents fled in from Akka, a city in modern-day Israel, still remembers the high. Altayeb is not alone. While displacement, poverty and confinement are contributing factors, a lack of governance in the Palestinian camps has also played a vital role in the spread of drug abuse and trafficking among Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Lebanon hosts more than , Palestinian refugees, of whom over 50 percent live in 12 refugee camps. Legal restrictions prohibit Palestinians from being able to pursue Lebanese citizenship, inherit property or practice about 30 different professions. Not only are Palestinians excluded from social and political opportunities, but since the Cairo agreement , refugee camps have been placed outside Lebanese governance and under the quasi-authority of Palestinian factions. With armed groups competing for control, and a limited number of non-governmental organisations working with drug addicts in the Palestinian camps, it is difficult to estimate the prevalence of drug use there. Due to an absence of regulation, medicines that typically require prescriptions are legally sold in camp pharmacies to patients without prescriptions, camp residents and human rights groups say. The most commonly abused medications in the camps are Tramadol and Xanax. Both drugs can produce side effects such as nausea, hallucinations and sedation, and as user tolerance increases, addicts consume heavier doses to achieve the same high. While Lebanese pharmacies must register under a licensed practitioner, the industry is unregulated in Palestinian refugee camps. He said that even if his brother wanted to become an accredited pharmacist and register his store, work restrictions confine his business to the camps. Raed Ataya, a lawyer and project coordinator for Nabaa, a Lebanese group that supports drug addicts in Saida, said although Lebanese pharmaceutical companies are legally prohibited from supplying pharmacies in the camps, in practice the government cannot prevent Palestinians from importing medicine. Many pharmacy owners are afraid that their drugs may be resold to armed factions, so shopkeepers are often reluctant to supply people they do not know. Nadya Mikdashi, the executive director and co-founder of Skoun, a Beirut-based NGO offering support and rehabilitation , said, in the absence of regulation, access to prescription medicine comes down to the ethics of individual pharmacies. Lebanese law criminalises drug abusers, and all hospitals are required to call the police to report anyone who has overdosed. This can have negative implications for those needing lifesaving assistance, Mikdashi noted. I lost my friend to a Tramadol overdose. I remember when his wife called and started crying, where was I supposed to take him? Two hospitals in Beirut told Al Jazeera they received memos from the Lebanese Internal Security Forces in January, reminding them to contact the police if they suspected a patient had used drugs. And with strong stigmas on Palestinians still prevailing, human-rights groups say they have a difficult time breaching the topic of drug addiction in the camps. Mikdashi said that with all the discrimination Palestinians face in Lebanon, many wonder why drug addiction is being made a priority. As criminalisation has made it difficult for addicts to locate support, Skoun has reached out to high-risk areas by making supplies of Naloxone, a drug designed to reverse opioid overdose, widely available. But the organisation is not able to reach everybody. Soon after his friend died, Altayeb was arrested by Lebanese authorities for carrying hashish outside the camp. Four months in a Lebanese prison was torturous, he said, and weeks after his release, he decided to seek support. By Mat Nashed. Published On 30 Aug 30 Aug Sponsored Content.

Sidon buying MDMA pills