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The Sex Party review – spiky comedy fails to satisfy
Bigotry in the bedroom … Timothy Hutton and Pooya Mohseni in The Sex Party. Photograph: Alastair Muir
Timothy Hutton on The Sex Party: ‘Do I think it will be controversial? I don’t know …’
Original reporting and incisive analysis, direct from the Guardian every morning
© 2022 Guardian News & Media Limited or its affiliated companies. All rights reserved. (modern)
Menier Chocolate Factory, London There’s tension in Terry Johnson’s tale of four couples meeting for sex and nibbles but the unruly debate isn’t deep enough
A t first, The Sex Party looks like a retro BBC sitcom about swingers, although that term is banned at this adult shindig. Four couples collect for sex and nibbles at a cool north London postcode. There is gleeful talk about getting it on and a fair share of parading around in lingerie and thigh boots.
But Terry Johnson’s spiky comedy takes us from the familiar fare of smut and sniggering double entendres to something bolder and more awkward in the sex/gender debate at its centre, even if it does not reach a satisfying end.
We only ever see what happens in the high-end kitchen (set designed by Tim Shortall) but we get a vivid idea of the action in the living room from the moans and groans we hear. In a production also directed by Johnson, the acting stays fine across the board although the characters are flimsy (Lisa Dwan especially does wonders with her part) and the star casting of Timothy Hutton stays strangely marginal for too long. He drifts on and off stage, saying little and looking like a cliched California guru in yoga pants.
The dialogue often goes off on random, unruly riffs; one character (Will Barton) talks about taking MDMA and the dialogue sounds under the influence too.
The play’s grenade is lobbed as the first act closes, with the entry of Lucy (Pooya Mohseni), a trans woman, and from here on in it feels like another play altogether. Doris Lessing, in a Penguin introduction to Lady Chatterley’s Lover, wrote that what happens in the bedroom is a “report on the sex war” outside it and it seems to be the case with this living room; suddenly, no one wants to convene there and a very live tension is in the air.
Much is flung at us, from talk of toilets to language and JK Rowling and it feels genuinely edgy. It is brave of Johnson to grapple with a debate that has become so divisive that a meeting of this kind would be unimaginable in real life. But arguments come thick and fast without being explored. Johnson seems to be shooting an arrow through the issues of the day – including, too briefly, consent – but it comes to feel like a dramatised version of Twitter.
The room exposes its bigots and we finally see the point of Hutton’s character but as more plot-points are lobbed at us in the closing moments it feels much less like a sitcom than an entire series rolled into one production.

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‘Unfinished business’ and a teal reckoning: Same-sex marriage five years on
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Michael Koziol is Sydney Editor of The Sydney Morning Herald, based in our Sydney newsroom. He was previously deputy editor of The Sun-Herald and a federal political reporter in Canberra. Connect via Twitter .
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The Ruddock review was commissioned last year amid the debate over same-sex marriage. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
By the time the chief statistician took to a Canberra podium on November 15, 2017, to drily announce the result of the same-sex marriage postal survey, Australians had long since decided gay people should be able to wed.
Polling had made the people’s view clear for years. It was the politicians who were unable or unwilling to change the law. Five years and 20,000 weddings later, the tortured politics of that occasion are still playing out, and will soon pose new challenges for the Albanese government.
Celebrations in Prince Alfred Park, Sydney, when the ‘Yes’ vote was announced on November 15, 2017. Credit: James Brickwood
For most people, gay marriages are now just marriages. ABS data released just this week showed same-sex couples have embraced the institution, though not massively – same-sex marriages accounted for just over 3 per cent of the nation’s total in 2021.
“We’ve seen thousands of loving couples share their commitment and love for one another in front of their friends and families,” says Anna Brown, a lawyer and chief executive of LGBTQ lobby group Equality Australia, and a key figure in the “yes” campaign.
Next weekend Brown will add herself to that tally when she marries her partner Kate Wickett, the chief executive of Sydney WorldPride 2023.
The grave “consequences” opponents of same-sex marriage warned of during the 2017 campaign may not have come to fruition. “No one has married the Sydney Harbour Bridge,” Brown observes.
Anna Brown, in white top, hugs Penny Wong in the Senate chamber on November 16, 2017. Credit: Andrew Meares
Labor’s Penny Wong – another key figure in this episode of Australian history – says: “The sky didn’t fall in. Instead, our country today is a fairer and more equal place.”
But politically there have been several knock-on effects with which the major parties are still grappling.
For the Coalition, which can at the very least say it presided over the historic reform, there is the question of what role – if any – its dithering on the issue played in the rise of the “teals” at the last federal election.
Liberal frontbencher and leader of the moderates Simon Birmingham ascribes at least part of the rout to the protracted fight over same-sex marriage, especially for younger voters.
“[It] potentially locked them into a sense that the Liberal Party may not be in touch with their values,” he told the Herald and The Age on Friday. It also “provided the seeds for people to then react so badly in the face of the debate surrounding [Warringah candidate] Katherine Deves.”
“I wouldn’t want to create the impression that it was the only issue,” Birmingham said. “It was a significant contributing factor ... and then when it was resolved, it was so clear that public support was so overwhelming that the long, drawn-out process to get there undermined the reality that it was reform actually achieved under a Coalition government.”
Then prime minister Malcolm Turnbull, a long-time marriage equality supporter, counts the law reform among his top achievements, and does not accept it could have been done any other way.
“The reason the debate went on as long as it did was because there was very serious and deep disagreements about the issue in the Parliament – and not just within the Coalition,” Turnbull says in an interview for this story.
Liberal MP Warren Entsch lifts up Labor MP Linda Burney as they celebrate the passage of marriage equality legislation on December 7, 2017. Credit: AAP / Lukas Coch
“This idea that we could have legislated it but didn’t is just wrong – we couldn’t have. Even if you assume you could have gotten it through the House, there were not the numbers in the Senate.”
Even after the emphatic result of the postal survey, 12 senators voted no and 17 abstained on the legislation, with just 43 of the 72-member chamber voting in support.
Turnbull says he always believed the Parliament should have legislated marriage equality in a free conscience vote, but it was Tony Abbott who hamstrung the party with his promise of a plebiscite.
“I warned Abbott about this, as described in my book – that once he offered people a vote on it, it was impossible to take that away. We were stuck with it,” Turnbull says. “The only way we could get this done is the way we did. A lot of people think politics and parliament and government are really easy. I always say to them: get elected and find out how easy it is.”
Malcolm Turnbull and Peter Dutton in the House of Representatives in 2017. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
George Brandis, Turnbull’s attorney-general, sees it in similar terms. “The Coalition was too slow to deal with the issue,” he says. But on the postal survey: “I look back on it pragmatically – if that was the only way to get it done, that’s what had to happen. It shouldn’t have come to that.”
Peter Dutton, now the opposition leader tasked with rebuilding the Liberals, was a major player in the marriage equality story insofar as he was a key advocate in the party’s right wing for holding a vote and resolving the issue – even though he believed it would succeed and was personally against gay marriage.
Dutton’s office did not respond to requests for an interview. Brandis says Dutton’s actions at that time underscore – as he wrote in August – that “while [Dutton] undoubtedly comes from the right wing of the Liberal Party, he is strategic, not ideological; a pragmatist, not a zealot”.
Many LGBTQ people have not forgiven Turnbull and the Coalition for inflicting that campaign on them – a campaign that brought about a public debate on their worth, dignity and equality.
This was accentuated by the extraneous issues brought into the postal survey campaign. Anyone who paid scant attention to the campaign would recall that, aware most Australian supported a change, the “no” side leant heavily on appeals to other matters. It warned of creeping attacks on religion, religious people and religious institutions, and asserted marriage equality was a Trojan horse for a broader, more sinister LGBTQ agenda.
Lyle Shelton, then managing director of the Australian Christian Lobby, outlining the “no” case at the National Press Club in September 2017. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
Abbott made perhaps the broadest appeal, telling Australians that “if you don’t like political correctness, vote ‘no’, because voting no will help to stop political correctness in its tracks”.
“No” campaigners now argue they were right, and that marriage equality was effectively “just the start”, even though it was not the start and, as Brandis says: “The fact there is now a debate on a broader range of gender-related issues – I imagine that was going to happen anyway.”
Wong, who is in a same-sex relationship, says the legacy of the marriage debate was a testament to the Australian people. “It made such a strong statement that we belong, and that Australia embraces equality, fairness and inclusion,” she says.
‘Vote no’ was written in the sky during the campaign. Credit: James Alcock
“The process to achieve marriage equality was difficult. In the face of divisive debate, it took tremendous personal courage and strength from many. But change happened because of champions who worked to build momentum,” Wong says.
“Unfortunately equality never comes easy – it must be fought for. We still have people targeted for who they are – we saw that in the way the trans community was disgracefully treated during the election campaign. And that means we have to keep fighting.”
The fear that equal marriage would erode religious freedom led to a review into that topic led by former Liberal attorney-general Philip Ruddock. Its recommendations – especially those around reforms to the anti-discrimination exemptions enjoyed by religious schools – proved even more troublesome for politicians than gay marriage itself.
Faces of change: LGBTQ politicians Trevor Evans, Janet Rice, Tim Wilson, Dean Smith, Louise Pratt, Penny Wong and Trent Zimmerman in 2017. Credit: Alex Ellinghausen
Now, it’s Labor’s problem to resolve. Earlier, this month Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus asked the Australian Law Reform Commission to review those exemptions and report by April. The ALRC was originally due to begin that task years ago but never did because it was awaiting the fate of the Religious Discrimination Bill, which died towards the end of the previous parliament.
Those carve-outs for religious schools are fiercely guarded by the church and, as happened before, any changes the government proposes to make will likely be hard-fought.
Anna Brown, the Equality Australia boss, certainly hopes to secure changes on that front from the federal government and the states.
“This is unfinished business,” she said. “It’s not acceptable for religious schools or any employer to discriminate against a person because they’re gay or transgender or because they refuse to sign up to discriminatory beliefs about LGBTQIA+ people.”
Advocates also hope for law reform to end conversion or suppression practices nationwide, and to remove barriers to trans and gender-diverse people who want to amend their birth certificates and other forms of identification.
Brown says there was a time shortly after the marriage campaign was won when it was difficult to raise awareness about any other LGBTQ issues – people needed a breather and “it felt like no one was listening”.
But the LGBTQ community rallied against and ultimately killed the Religious Discrimination Bill, even though it was significantly more complex than the notion of equal marriage, and Brown is confident she will see that activism repeated on other issues.
“We’ve seen what’s possible when our community comes together,” she said.
But the next round will be harder. Many religious figures who waved through same-sex marriage won’t be so forthcoming on other changes.
A few weeks ago, one member of Ruddock’s panel, high-profile Jesuit priest and academic Frank Brennan, made remarks that almost sounde
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