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Few peace advocates know the name Elie Ducommun . For this reason, a two-day history seminar was held in Geneva to explore the life of the remarkable Swiss politician who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1902, together with IPB’s second Secretary-General, Albert Gobat. The ‘Ducommun Committee’ decided to invite specialists from several countries to offer analyses of Ducommun’s role in many fields.
Prof Irwin Abrams (USA, expert on Nobel Peace Prize) spoke about the origins of the IPB and his explorations in our archives in the 1930s;
Arthur Eyffinger (Netherlands, former head librarian at the Peace Palace) compared The Hague and Geneva as centres of internationalism;
Anne Kjelling (Norway, Nobel Institute) talked about Ducommun’s relationship with the Nobel Committee;
Peter van den Dungen (Netherlands, Bradford Univ) showed slides of the Museum of War and Peace set up by the Polish entrepreneur and peace advocate Jean de Bloch – a project supported by IPB and Ducommun;
Various Swiss experts explored Ducommun’s role as a politician, journalist, railway administrator and freemason.
Verdiana Grossi summed up with an excellent speech on theme of social engagement.
On the Friday evening we were treated to a lecture by German historian Karl Holl on another Nobel Peace laureate (and leading IPB figure before World War 2) Ludwig Quidde , who died in exile in Geneva in 1941.
On the Saturday afternoon a group of us visited various sites in the Geneva region, including the tomb of Quidde, the bust of Ducommun and the obelisk to peace erected by Jean-Jacques de Sellon in 1830 – probably the earliest peace monument in Europe.
A variety of literature is available for those interested in knowing more about this fascinating area of study, including a bibliography of works by and about Ducommun.
An anthology entitled “Elie Ducommun 1833-1906” is available from IPB Secretariat. The material is mostly in French, with one chapter in English.
(Re) imagine our World - Actions for Peace and Justice. Join us in Barcelona from 15-17 October.
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Note: All donations are tax-deductible; IPB is a non-profit association registered under Swiss law.
Join and participate in IPB´s all year-round "Global Campaign on Military Spending" (GCOMS)
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Written by Colin Archer, IPB Secretary-General (retired)
The end of the Cold War ushered in a particularly complex decade. Loss of peace movement momentum due to the end of East-West confrontations and the immediate nuclear threat was accompanied by a diversification of focus. Human rights, social development, gender, environment and other causes all absorbed activist energies and favoured new coalitions and political formations. These issues were highlighted by a remarkable series of major UN Summits, culminating in the Millennium Declaration and ultimately the Sustainable Development Goals (2015).
When the Berlin Wall fell, amid much talk of a peace dividend, few thought that armed conflict would evaporate, though for a while euphoria was widespread. New crises emerged in the 1990s, but in geographically limited areas, such as Rwanda, the Balkans, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan – and usually within states rather than between them. The UN published its vision in the path-breaking Agenda for Peace (1991), but overall the role of the UN in the peace field was disappointing, mainly owing to the reluctance of major states to tackle challenging problems and to give the UN the resources and authority it needed.
This period was undoubtedly the era in which IPB’s role as general peace movement federation and network achieved its greatest blossoming. Not only did the number of member organizations rise above 300, but the range of partnerships and cooperative global projects was without precedent. The more members there were, the more projects were presented to the Board and Secretariat for endorsement and support. These ranged from international opposition to the Gulf War (1991) all the way through to the Global Campaign on Military Spending (2014 onwards). Along the way we can highlight participation (still ongoing) in international formations such as the World Social Forum, the Asia-Europe Peoples’ Forum, the European Network Against Arms Trade, the No to War, No to NATO! campaign, and related efforts to mobilise peace forces against the militarization of the European Union.
This profusion of initiatives is too dense to be fully analyzed in the present narrative. However there are a number of major programme areas which follow a roughly chronological sequence:
We shall also briefly outline IPB’s work on:
It is worth recording that in this period – which coincides with the present writer’s term in office – IPB maintained its pattern (almost unbroken apart from the two world wars) of annual conferences, often combined with business meetings such as the Assembly or the Council. For reasons of cost and practicality, these were mostly held in Western Europe, though there were exceptions: Toronto, Moscow, Alexandria, and Washington DC. In most years the organization was also involved in many other international gatherings or events – either as sole/co-organizer, co-sponsor, speaker or participant. Each conference then tended to generate further new projects…
One particular set of events is worth a special mention. In 1991-92, various commemorative gatherings were organized for the centenary of IPB’s founding, including a reception and evening of speeches in Berne, an exhibition organized at the Palais des Nations by the League of Nations Archives Service, the presentation to the UN of the Lawyers’ Appeal against Nuclear Weapons published in 1987 by Seán MacBride, the international launch in Geneva of the World Court Project, and a multi-site centenary conference held in Helsinki, Stockholm and Tallinn.
Despite the end of the Cold War, those engaged deeply in the nuclear issues knew that – even with substantial reductions on the way (INF 1987, START 1 1991) – the risk to life on earth was far from removed. The numbers of deadly warheads would remain in the thousands; and the deterrence rationale, with its accompanying promise of power and dominance on the world stage, was far from shaken. With far fewer demonstrators on the streets, it was time to press ahead with an alternative route – one that had already been sketched out and then thoroughly researched by the international lawyers who in 1988 banded together under the banner of the International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms (IALANA). It was time to take the nuclear question to the World Court. (Dewes and Green, 2002). The work of the 1985 London Nuclear Warfare Tribunal, chaired by MacBride, was one of the major milestones in this process. IPB’s contribution took several forms:
This work was far from the only contribution made by IPB to the wider anti-nuclear cause. IPB participated on a regular basis in the annual commemorative conferences in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and in many similar events around the world. Furthermore, all through this period (and beyond), it has devoted substantial resources to the NGO presence around the Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conferences and the PrepComms. This has involved lobby work, reporting back to the grass roots membership, and putting on side meetings. Similar work was done at the (permanent) Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament , although this was gradually abandoned after it became clear that the negotiations had run into the sand. At NPT side events, many new NGO initiatives were devised. Among the most important was the setting up in 1995 of Abolition 2000 , a global anti-nuclear network partly based on the earlier collaboration between the WCP partners. Among the principal projects of Abolition 2000 was a remarkable collaborative effort to draft a Model Nuclear Weapons Convention laying out all the commitments that signatories would have to adhere to once agreeing to eliminate their nuclear weapons. This was used as a basis to convince NPT member states that a credible legal path was available for the fulfilment of that Treaty’s disarmament promise. This and the ICJ ruling should be considered important precursors to the work of the International Campaign to Ban Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), laying the groundwork for the UN Ban Treaty of 2017.
The intense inter-disciplinary cooperation engendered by the World Court Project was one of the key factors in the development of what came to be known as the Hague Appeal for Peace (HAP). Another was the imminent arrival of the end of the century – indeed the Millennium – and the centenary of the 1st Hague Conference of 1899, in which IPB had played a prominent role. A third reason was to mark the end of the UN Decade of International Law (1990- 99). It was decided to organize a major global gathering in May 1999, and for obvious reasons the venue had to be The Hague. The Congressgebouw , now called the World Forum, is situated across the square from the building which at that time housed the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and not far from the International Court of Justice – a better location for a gathering focusing at least in part on international law would be hard to imagine. Preparations began already in 1996, with meetings bringing together the 3 WCP partners plus the World Federalist Movement. The coordination of the project consisted of several levels but the 4 offices, together with a dedicated HAP staff team, formed the core decision-making group.
This was by any standards a mighty project. People of all walks of life from over 100 countries gathered in the Congress Center in response to an appeal launched by the 4 organizations: IPB, the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), the International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms (IALANA), and the World Federalist Movement (WFM). During the five-day gathering, participants discussed and debated – in over 400 panels and workshops – mechanisms for abolishing war and creating a culture of peace in the 21st century. The organizers asked if “humanity can find a way to solve its problems without resorting to arms; and is war still necessary or legitimate given the nature of weapons currently in arsenals and on drawing boards worldwide; and can civilization survive another major war?”
The stellar cast included hundreds of civil society leaders and representatives from 80 governments and international organizations including UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, Prime Ministers Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh and Wim Kok of The Netherlands, Queen Noor of Jordan, Arundhati Roy of India, and Nobel Peace Laureates Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, Rigoberta Menchú Tum of Guatemala, Jody Williams of the United States, José Ramos Horta of East Timor and Joseph Rotblat of the United Kingdom. ( https://www.peace-ed-campaign.org/about/ )
Over 100 NGO networks were mobilised to contribute funds, speakers and participants. In the end it was estimated that close to 10,000 persons had participated. For a demonstration this is not such a large total – but for an international peace movement conference it was probably unprecedented, either before or since. With such numbers it was impossible to draft an overall conference statement on the spot. Therefore it was decided to prepare the text in parallel with the organising process, and publish it at the conference. The resulting document, The Hague Agenda for Peace and Justice for the 21st Century (Hague Appeal for Peace 1999), has 50 chapters divided into 4 sections, reflecting the main axes of the conference programme:
It remains an impressive and highly relevant road map for peacemaking to this day.
The challenge for the organising group was how to follow up the event and use the momentum generated by this unique and exciting gathering. To engage in depth in each of the 50 areas highlighted would have required a budget of gargantuan proportions. It was decided that peace education would be a highly appropriate focus, since by its nature it touches on all areas of peace work. In addition, it was one of the areas where many examples of good practice existed, but where there was no over-arching global campaign. In this case the aim was to persuade governments and education authorities to introduce peace education into the curriculum at all levels. This was the task that the Global Campaign for Peace Education (GCPE), led by the dynamic IPB President Cora Weiss, set itself – and which indeed, it is still working on today. The first phase of the Campaign lasted from 1999 to 2004. Its accomplishments are listed as follows:
Subsequently the GCPE has been coordinated by various organizations; at present it operates independently. Its newsletter offers almost certainly the most comprehensive survey of peace education projects around the world. IPB’s role in the GCPE took several forms:
But world events have a habit of disrupting the best laid plans of campaign groups. On September 10, 2001, IPB staff organized a literature stand at the prestigious World Conference on Education, run by UNESCO’s International Bureau of Education. The next day the Twin Towers were attacked and the world seemed to spin on its axis. Nothing in the peace world was ever quite the same again.
The 9-11 attacks constituted a turning point of great significance. They re-framed the concept of ‘enemy’ for the western world and became the justification for two major wars, in Afghanistan and Iraq. They thus provided a new impetus for US-led military strategies, forces, interventions…and spending. The post-Cold War drop in military expenditure levels was reversed. At the same time, rising powers, especially in Asia, were getting into the military game in a big way. The US is now the largest, but far from the only, big spender. We are now in a globalized war economy.
In the post 9-11 period, the IPB Secretariat began a gradual shift away from peace education and took up the theme of Human Security as an alternative perspective on counter-terrorism. This change in organizational priorities was evident during the major 5-day conference entitled Towards a World Without Violence, held in Barcelona in 2004. One full day of this ambitious gathering was devoted to the Economy of War.
The success of the event (there were 1000 participants) encouraged a major review of IPB campaigning priorities. This identified a crucial gap in the international peace movement landscape. It is important to note that up to this point there had been no international campaign network on the issue of governmental military spending. Substantial amounts of research had been done (and continues to this day) among academic institutions and some NGOs, and there had been many general denunciations of the size of the commitment to the military and the opportunity costs. But there had been no intentional, structured global campaign linking pressure groups and protesters.
The first stage was the creation in 2005 of the Disarmament for Development (D for D) campaign. It was ‘designed to reflect widespread public concern at the rapid rise in global military spending and the evidence that weapons seriously impede sustainable development’. The title was a more pro-active variant on the UN term ‘Disarmament and Development’ which implies conceptual and policy linkages in both directions. IPB identified 3 ‘baskets’ of concerns: 1) Military expenditure versus social spending; 2) Effects of militarism on development; 3) Justifications for military expenditure. Two books were published to provide an intellectual toolbox for campaigners around the world: Warfare or Welfare? (Archer and Hay-Edie, 2006) and Whose Priorities? (Archer, 2007). Both books provide examples of creative campaigning by NGOs and other civil society organizations that have taken up these issues. More recent IPB publications focus on specific ‘opportunity costs’: (1) the links between military spending and the Development Agenda of the United Nations (SDGs), as well as (2) the challenge of climate change. This latter publication picks up on an IPB theme from a quarter of a century earlier: the militarism and the environment project, set up to challenge the go
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