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July 19, 2022, 6:10 AM · 6 min read
Maj. Gen. David Baldwin, the California National Guard's adjutant general, is retiring. (Evan Vucci / Associated Press)
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The head of the California National Guard, who has presided over a series of scandals during the last 3½ years, will retire at the end of the month, Gov. Gavin Newsom's office confirmed Monday.
Maj. Gen. David Baldwin's departure comes on the heels of a Times investigation that last month detailed the most recent run of embarrassing episodes for the Guard, including allegations in the officer ranks of abuse of authority, homophobia, antisemitism and racism.
Baldwin, who has led the Guard since 2011 as its adjutant general and reports to Newsom, did not respond to an interview request. After Newsom's office acknowledged to The Times that Baldwin was stepping down, the governor issued a statement Monday night thanking the general "for his steadfast leadership and nearly four decades of committed service to our state and nation.”
The statement also credited Baldwin for "pushing forward much-needed reforms to change the culture of the organization and better serve Californians," and said he was instrumental to the Guard's efforts to train Ukrainian military forces and provide that country with protective gear and medical supplies.
Newsom's office said Maj. Gen. Matthew Beevers, who is on Baldwin's executive team, will succeed him as a deputy adjutant general and "the governor will consider appointing an adjutant general." Beevers did not respond to a request for comment.
The 20,000-member Guard, a branch of the California Military Department, which the adjutant general also leads, serves a dual mission that includes responding to emergencies in the state, such as earthquakes, wildfires and civil disturbances, and assisting U.S. armed forces in military operations overseas.
Upheaval has marked Baldwin's tenure since early 2019, when a Times report disclosed internal complaints of reprisals against whistleblowers and allegations of a cover-up of misconduct in the leadership of the organization. The complaints focused on the Guard's Fresno air base and included an incident in which someone urinated in a female Guard member’s boots. Baldwin later removed the commander of the Guard's air side, Maj. Gen. Clay Garrison. The commander of the 144th Fighter Wing at the Fresno base was also removed.
In 2020, in response to another Times report, Newsom’s office denounced the Guard’s decision to send a military spy plane to suburban El Dorado Hills, where Baldwin lived, to help civilian authorities monitor demonstrations over the police killing of George Floyd. Baldwin said the fact that he resided in El Dorado Hills, where the protests were small and peaceful, had no bearing on the deployment of the RC-26B reconnaissance plane.
Last year, Baldwin fired Garrison's successor, Maj. Gen. Gregory Jones, and suspended Brig. Gen. Jeffrey Magram with pay as director of the air staff and reassigned him to human resources and humanitarian duties. Those actions followed a Times report that Guard members were concerned that their superiors had readied an F-15C fighter jet in 2020 for a possible mission in which the aircraft would fly low over civilian protesters to frighten and disperse them. Baldwin denied that the jet had been prepared for such a deployment, and he said the moves against Jones and Magram had nothing to do with the report.
Magram, who has been a member of Baldwin’s inner circle, is among the officers caught up in the latest round of turmoil.
According to interviews and a confidential report obtained by The Times, the U.S. Air Force inspector general investigated Magram over complaints that he violated government rules by having subordinates ferry his mother on a shopping trip, perform other personal errands for him and complete a part of his cybersecurity training. The investigation resulted in a letter of admonishment for Magram, the Guard told the paper.
After further queries by The Times, however, the Guard said a second investigation of Magram by a state inspector general substantiated similar allegations against him, and he awaits another round of discipline.
The Times also reported that an internal inquiry substantiated allegations that Brig. Gen. David Hawkins made antisemitic and homophobic slurs, including that Jews are unrepentant sinners and that gay marriage is a reason terrorists attack the United States. Hawkins received a letter of reprimand as a result, the Guard said. Responding to a subsequent Times query, the Guard confirmed last month that Hawkins had resigned.
Hawkins told The Times that "those allegations are largely untrue," and he specifically denied making the statement about terrorist attacks. He said he believed the allegations were lodged by someone who overheard and misconstrued a conversation he had with a chaplain.
Meanwhile, Col. Jonathan Cartwright, a Guard finance officer who was a candidate for general, was arrested in March on suspicion of exposing himself to three women at a restaurant in Arlington County, Va. Police booked Cartwright on a misdemeanor charge, but the case was dismissed Monday for lack of evidence, according to his attorney, Karin Porter.
"He was falsely accused," Porter said.
An attempt to reach prosecutors late Monday was unsuccessful.
Interviews and Guard records reviewed by The Times show that other alleged acts of misconduct that occurred on Baldwin's watch include:
– A captain allegedly referred to a Latino sergeant as a “lazy Mexican” and harassed an African American soldier because he was a “Black Lives Matter guy.” Another captain has been accused of asking a Jewish soldier if cigar ashes were his "relatives." Both captains allegedly falsified physical fitness certifications for Guard members.
– A wing commander for the air side of the Guard faces complaints that she used a military credit card to buy cleaning supplies for her dog and had underlings walk the pet at work.
– The vice wing commander at the same air station was grounded because of a drunk driving arrest.
All of those matters have been the subject of internal investigations, a Guard spokesman said. The status of the inquiries could not be determined Monday.
Current and former Guard members have blamed Baldwin for what they say is a widespread perception in the organization that high-ranking officers who engage in abusive and unethical behavior are protected from significant discipline.
"It's a great thing that Baldwin's gone," said Dan Woodside, a former Guard major who has publicly criticized the organization's brass. "He's been there too long, and now there's not enough top cover for these other commanders."
Baldwin has denied shielding commanders from discipline. In an earlier statement to The Times, he said, "The bottom line is we have an effective system in place that deals with allegations of inappropriate behavior.”
This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times .
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The Uvalde Police Response Is a National Scandal
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Noah Rothman is the Associate Editor of Commentary and the author of Unjust: Social Justice and the Unmaking of America .
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Coming on the heels of a mass shooting event in Buffalo, New York, the massacre of schoolchildren in Uvalde, Texas just ten days later appeared to be yet another intolerable episode of mass gun violence in the United States. This specific sort of violence is, primarily, an American problem, and it is being addressed at a national level. Right now, a legislative framework prompted by this attack is in the crafting stages in the U.S. Senate. But this was not just another mass shooting. The more we learn about what happened in Uvalde, the less this event seems to lend itself to legislative remedies.
On Monday, the details of what occurred as this horrific episode unfolded changed yet again. Reportedly, Uvalde police officers and Texas state troopers, who were armed with rifles and ballistic shields, did enter the school building while the attack was ongoing. Radio transcripts and surveillance footage viewed by the Texas Tribune revealed that the responding officers lingered outside the one classroom in which the shooter was executing children, but they stayed there for nearly one hour before entering the room.
Police were not without the means to gain entry to that classroom. A forcible entry tool designed to breach locked doors was on the scene within minutes of law enforcement’s response, but no one brought the tool into the school for almost an hour. Instead, officers waited for someone to bring keys that would unlock the classroom door. “It took about six minutes for a set of keys to arrive, and the chief began testing them on a different classroom door,” the Tribune reported. Over the course of an agonizing, bloody hour, radio traffic indicates that responding officers loitered and argued over the need to have a “supervisor approve” of breaching the classroom in question. Finally, 77 minutes after the shooting started, a Border Patrol tactical team initiated forced entry and neutralized the gunman.
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“The classroom door, it turned out, could not be locked from the inside, yet there is no indication officers tried to open the door while the gunman was inside,” the Associated Press reported on Tuesday after Texas’s Department of Public Safety chief testified to the “abject failure” of law enforcement. “I have great reasons to believe it was never secured,” Col. Steve McCraw said. “How about trying the door and seeing if it’s locked?” He added that “because terrible decisions” were made by law enforcement, it’s clear “not enough training was done in this situation.”
This isn’t the first time that local law enforcement’s version of events has evolved . DPS initially claimed that the shooter “was engaged by law enforcement” outside the school before he “unfortunately” gained entry to the building. Later, we learned that was not the case. Indeed, school district police chief Pete Arredondo stopped treating the active shooter scenario as an “active shooter scenario” after determining that the gunman barricaded himself inside a classroom, judging that there was “no risk to other children.” McCraw initially blamed school staff for propping open a door to the building with a rock, only to later “verify” that the door in question was closed.
“There has been a great deal of false and misleading information in the aftermath of this tragedy,” Texas’ largest police union said in a statement in May. “Some of the information came from the very highest levels of government and law enforcement.”
Explore the scintillating July/August 2022 issue of Commentary.
This wasn’t just another mass shooting, as awful as that would be. It was another mass shooting and a breathtaking display of negligence by police, which has been subsequently compounded by law enforcement’s dissimulation. At present, a bipartisan framework—championed by the Senior U.S. Senator from Texas and billed as a national “ post-Uvalde ” reckoning—is in the works. The tentative deal includes stricter background checks, incentives for states to pass “red flag” laws, and funds for additional security measures for school and mental-health resources. But nothing in that framework would address the conditions that ensured this attack was so deadly. Indeed, how could it?
Could Congress mandate additional training that would somehow have convinced the commanding officer on this scene to prioritize the lives of the civilians and children in that school over his officers? Of course. Is there some dollar figure we could attach to the training of officers so that they would have done their duties in this case, as police do on a daily basis and without hesitation across the country? No. The Uvalde massacre is a national tragedy, and the police’s response is a national scandal. But this was a true black swan event. Almost every moving part broke down, collectively contributing to a disaster of unforeseeable proportions.
America can make schools into harder targets. We can provide mental-health care and foster the development of a culture of responsibility for the people in our lives who are showing signs of dangerous instability. We can make it more difficult to purchase firearms, ammunition, and tactical gear. But this atrocity achieved its scope because of human error, frailty, and bad judgment. There’s no legislative solution to that.
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Explore the scintillating July/August 2022 issue of Commentary.
HBA Panel Topic 1 - Evolving Systems of Care
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A society defines itself by how it cares for its most vulnerable, and especially its seniors. As a Board-Certified Internist and Geriatrician with over 35 years of providing care in nursing facilities, this sentiment has guided me throughout my career. It has led me to found Tapestry Health, a multispecialty medical practice that focuses on providing medical infrastructure in skilled nursing facilities (SNFs), as well as Project Patient Care, a patient advocacy organization based in Chicago, Illinois. My commitment to this work has led me to build innovative programs both in the community and in skilled nursing facilities, designed to provide more and better-focused care to our frail elderly.
Far too many of our SNFs have become the worst place to be either as a patient/resident or an employee. Many nursing homes lack the resources required to provide residents with the care they need and deserve, which results in low wages, insufficient staffing levels, high workloads and low morale. The COVID-19 pandemic has only exacerbated these challenges.
Our nursing facility industry is about to crumble.
The nursing industry is being torn apart by the convergence of several major currents:
1. Staffing—a large percentage of the workforce has vanished. According to Bureau of Labor Statistics data 1 , the number of workers employed at nursing care facilities nationwide has declined by 15%—from 1.59 million to 1.35 million—between February 2020 and November 2021, with decreasing employment nearly every month. This is nearly 250,000 employees in less than two years. As of late February 2022, 35.9% of nursing homes experienced a shortage of direct care workers 2 .
Furthermore, the cumulative percent decrease is drastically more than
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