Sao Paulo where can I buy cocaine

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Sao Paulo where can I buy cocaine

They lived under the violent rule of both police and the powerful criminal organization which controls drug supply. It will also address the failed mano dura approaches implemented by different administrations. It will also present the main implementation hardships and the delicate balance with the politically opposed State administration, which controlled the police forces. Thirdly, it will present the main results from the three-year program — , from addressing basic illnesses to reducing street crime in the region. Finally, it will conclude by presenting general lessons regarding policy responses to urban drug-use scenes and open-air markets that can be drawn from the experience. In order to build trust between the community and public services, the program was designed and implemented with the direct participation of its target population. It was underpinned in the harm reduction principle of minimising the negative consequences of drug use and of drug policies, providing essential social and health support and protection from violence associated both with illicit markets and with its repression. On the other hand, drug policy reformers adopted Open Arms as their showcase program due to its non-violent, pragmatic and integrated approach. After three years, the results were encouraging and the program was well regarded by the general public, but it could not distance itself from traditional, drug-free policy metrics and was directly targeted by the electoral process, eventually leading to its dismantling by the succeeding administration. Hence, it exposed the difficulties to conduct evidence-based drug policy in a highly polarized political environment. However, it also presents valuable lessons on policy responses to illicit economies based on principles of urban peace, such as the need to include target groups in policy design and implementation, and highlights the disruption and ineffectiveness of violent public interventions. In its early days, theoretical foundations mattered less than solving daily operational challenges. For that reason, there is scarce documentation and academic literature on the program, a gap the authors intend to bridge with this article. The article will be divided into five parts. Firstly, it will describe the characteristics of people in the perimeter and the strategies adopted by several administrations to address the situation. Fourthly, it will discuss the political conditions that led to the dismantling of the program, and its legacy as a viable policy response to this specific illicit drug market, based on the concept of urban peace rather than the usual violent, segregating approach. Finally, it will draw general policy lessons from the experience. In its centre, luxury cars arrive at the elegant concert hall built inside the old train station, while concertgoers try to avoid looking across the street. No more than meters away, hundreds of people roam around what is considered the largest open-air drug market in the country. One can find many legal and illegal drugs there. Located in the Luz district, and counting over 1, daily frequenters Folha de S. Paulo one cannot, however, pinpoint it on the map. Every time it has to move to another place, a tacit and uneasy equilibrium is eventually reached, and the flux reopens, sometimes just a few meters away from its previous location Menezes Since the s, the region has become stigmatized as synonymous with degraded urban areas, problematic drug use, and criminality. How do you manage to get people to seek treatment? Not by reason, it is through suffering. Paulo Indeed, policymakers at the time did not understand why, despite the significant expansion of health services in the area since , the uptake of treatment, particularly for drug addiction, remained low. Outreach health teams regularly walked the streets in the area providing on the spot responses to simple but urgent health issues tooth pain, minor injuries and trying to build trust relations with the community that allowed for more complex interventions in nearby health services. By , in a range of two kilometres, there were three walk-in addiction centres with short-stay beds, three primary health care clinics and one specialized infectious diseases surgery. Despite the publicity and political bravado around these high-profile police interventions, the dynamics of drug use and trafficking in the area suffered only brief interruptions. The immediate effect was to disperse people and create new, small cracklands in the adjacent neighbourhoods, to the chagrin of residents. After a few days, a seemingly indistinct group of people would return to the original perimeter and gather in a nearby street: the flux was reborn, eventually returning to its previous size. Police interventions, lacking an overarching strategic framework for mitigating harm or managing the effects of dispersing drug markets, merely had the effect of worsening their impacts on surrounding urban peace and public health. A new approach was clearly necessary. Information and referrals to health and social services were also available, but people were not pushed to look for treatment. Drug use was not allowed on the premises. The initiative attracted hundreds of attendees and contributed to rebuilding trust with the local community of homeless people using drugs. By the end of , a growing number of these people were building shacks on the sidewalk surrounding an abandoned area a few metres away from the new walk-in centre. These shacks were improvised as homes and safe sites for the use and commerce of drugs. Political pressure to clean the area was once again building up, with photos of the shacks making the front pages of major newspapers. After a series of meetings bringing together representatives from the local community, frontline health and social workers and policymakers, including the mayor himself, the administration proposed a new comprehensive strategy for the region. Community leaders had made clear that the two main demands of local dwellers were to be housed in the neighbourhood and to engage in paid work. In the first days of January , health and social workers registered all the four hundred inhabitants of the shacks and informed them that they would soon be housed in the area and enrolled in a paid work program. No incidents were registered. The very few who, perhaps incredulous, resisted the offer at first were convinced on the spot by their peers. By the end of January , all the shacks had been dismantled. In the following months, another hundred people were also enrolled in the program, half of them illegally occupied a neighbouring building scheduled to be demolished by the State government. Others were highly vulnerable homeless addicts from the flux. The new administration benefited from listening to the experience accumulated by field professionals and from taking into consideration the habits and demands of those targeted by the new policy. Long before the program launch, they would spend short periods in the same hotels during and after periods of intensive crack use, when they had enough money. A few months after the start of the program, a national epidemiological inquiry with street crack users which asked what they expected from addiction services confirmed that food, access to hygiene facilities and employment were as crucial as health care for them. It recognized the extreme vulnerability of these people and put strategies to improve their living conditions first, irrespective of their drug use. It was also determined to put a stop to violent police interventions which violated human rights and disrupted the work of social and health services. Remarkably, the deal cut by the municipal administration with local leaders was made at the highest level. In addition to the participation of the mayor in meetings with local leaders, high-ranking officials were engaged in the daily implementation of the program. This close participation was crucial to mediate conflicts and to solve impasses arousing from the challenges of this novel policy. As expected, many difficulties arose. Critics attacked the program for offering social benefits such as housing and supported employment for people who used drugs. The City administration paid a high political price to sustain the program, particularly in its early life. The relation between the City and the State administrations was another issue. Although the City administration managed to change the approach of the municipal guard towards people using drugs, eventually creating a Harm Reduction Unit, State Police continued to disrupt the work of health and social workers with enforcement-led and often violent operations with no real impact on drug supply. The need to coordinate all these novel initiatives from different sectors in the administration, each of them with a heavy burden of demands for an million inhabitants city, meant the mayor himself and his direct aides directed a disproportionate amount of time for a program that reached only people. Politically, the future of drug policy in the city was at stake. The program evolved during its three years of duration. Existing information brings a positive record of the effects of the program on the people enrolled and in its neighbourhood. The same proportion had managed to obtain identification documents, essential for accessing many social benefits in Brazil. The health and social follow up of people enrolled in the program, in addition to the fact that they now had addresses where they could be found, dramatically improved their access to basic social rights. Fifty-three percent of participants who had lost contact with relatives recovered family ties, one of the highlights of the program according to an independent evaluation Rui Those enrolled in the program reported to have significantly decreased the quantity of crack used and the time they spent using drugs. Paulo — the three leading opposition candidates pledged to end the program. The election winner fulfilled his promise and ended the program, closing most hotels and cancelling the supported work initiatives in his first year of mandate. He also promoted another failed, extremely violent police-led operation in the territory. However, the backlash was intense. Paulo , scenes of people fleeing the area amid police brutality, including a bull-dozer demolishing a building with people inside it, spread quickly through social media. Unfortunately, it did not live long enough to become politically self-sustainable through its results. The Open Arms project can be viewed as an example of integrated urban drug, health and social policy based in the concept of urban peace and harm reduction. The Open Arms project is an example of a non-violent, urban peace-based policy response to an illicit market that has challenged urban, public safety, social, health and drug policies for decades. It was initially designed as a harm reduction policy to address immediate needs of the target population, and evolved to an in-depth, multidimensional program that included housing, protected employment and health and social follow-up. Policy design and implementation challenges were dealt with by reaffirming the basic principle of establishing trust with the program beneficiaries, recognizing their specific needs and, crucially, by not making participation conditional on abstinence. However, the program did not survive the electoral process, which approached public attitudes through traditional drug control metrics. As we have tried to demonstrate, the program built an important legacy for urban drug policies and is still highly influential in the current national debate on violence reduction, harm reduction and welfare-based drug policies. It should be noted that widespread condemnation of such an approach as ineffective and a violation of human rights of people who use drugs is one of the rare consensuses in specialized literature. As stated in the introduction, the authors were directly involved in these assessments and in the implementation of the proposed solutions, first as officials from the National Secretary for Drug Policy, who supported the program, and, in , as members of the Open Arms managing board. Specialized news outlet , 30 May Costa, TGC. In: Ponto Urbe , 6 1. Kinoshita, R and Furtado, L. Menezes, LF. Pesquisa Nacional sobre o Uso de Crack. Portal R7. Online news outlet, 25 June Online news outlet, 4 April Rui, T. Principles of Drug Dependence Treatment. Discussion Paper, March March Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Keywords: Crack-cocaine open-air drug markets protected employment housing welfare. Year: Submitted on Mar 16, Accepted on Jul 20, Published on Feb 23, Peer Reviewed. CC BY 4. People would be relocated to small hotels in the neighbourhood commissioned by the City administration. Families, couples and friends would share rooms as they did in the shacks. Work and income. People would be enrolled in a supported employment program within the City administration, working part-time and receiving weekly payments of around half of the minimum wage. The program also provided food vouchers. Health and social follow up. For each group of 20 participants of the program, a pair of health and social professionals would be responsible for their longitudinal follow up. Each participant would receive a weekly visit to help him, or her, keep up with health care, legal issues and other matters. Impact Existing information brings a positive record of the effects of the program on the people enrolled and in its neighbourhood. Aftermath and legacy was a municipal election year. Lessons learned The Open Arms project can be viewed as an example of integrated urban drug, health and social policy based in the concept of urban peace and harm reduction. The confidence built between communities and policymakers will also greatly contribute to the engagement strategies; Engagement also benefit from a stable team of field workers, who tend to establish personal relations with beneficiaries and boost mutual trust and confidence in the program goals; Violent, security-based approaches disrupt trust between communities and public services and jeopardize the work of health and social outreach teams. Conversely, strategic policing is essential to coordinate policy goals between different agencies; Policy design must take into account the multiple stakeholders with legitimate or illegitimate interests, and policy effectiveness as a peace-building, violence-reducing program is enhanced by adopting a pragmatic approach to the different actors; Implementation hazards will occur, and the program should be flexible enough to accommodate new realities and quick course changes while committing to its principles; Policies based on urban peace principles to address urban illicit markets will likely suffer initial opposition from public security agencies and fuel reactionary political discourses that might hamper the program viability. As such, developing a smart public communication strategy should be of high priority during design and implementation phases. Conclusion The Open Arms project is an example of a non-violent, urban peace-based policy response to an illicit market that has challenged urban, public safety, social, health and drug policies for decades. Notes It should be noted that widespread condemnation of such an approach as ineffective and a violation of human rights of people who use drugs is one of the rare consensuses in specialized literature.

Journal of Illicit Economies and Development

Sao Paulo where can I buy cocaine

For this reason, it is now considered an emerging contaminant of concern. The researchers found ibuprofen, paracetamol and diclofenac, among other medicines, in water samples collected in the region, as well as cocaine in a concentration equivalent to that of caffeine — a traditional indicator of contamination, since it is consumed not only in beverages such as coffee, tea and soft drinks but also present in various medicines. One of the hypotheses put forward by the researchers at the time to explain the high concentration of cocaine in the surface water samples from the Bay of Santos was the period in which they conducted the study: during Carnival, when the region receives a large number of tourists. Laboratory analyses showed that the bioaccumulation factor of cocaine in brown mussels was more than a thousand times higher than the concentration in water. The researchers also conducted studies to assess the effects of cocaine exposure on brown mussels. The results of the analysis showed that after one week of exposure, the animals had elevated levels of two neurotransmitters: dopamine and serotonin. This change was interpreted as a neuroendocrine response that could affect the reproductive system of these animals. In order to evaluate this hypothesis, studies were conducted in other animals, such as eels. The analyses showed that chronic exposure to cocaine affects oogenesis egg formation and steroidogenesis production of steroid hormones in these fish. As part of a doctoral project funded by FAPESP , the researchers also analyzed the ecological risk of cocaine exposure in mangrove oysters using benzoylecgonine — a metabolite of the drug — as a biomarker. The results indicated that the drug causes severe cytotoxic and genotoxic effects in these organisms. According to Seabra, based on geochemical studies of estuarine sediment samples, it is estimated that cocaine has been accumulating in the Santos estuary since the s, but concentrations of the drug in the region have skyrocketed in recent decades. One explanation for this increase is that the region is one of the main drug trafficking routes from South America to Europe. In addition, the region, like other parts of the country and the world, is facing the problem of an increase in the number of users of illicit drugs such as cocaine and crack. Another problem is the lack of sewage treatment in the region, Seabra pointed out. But we also have a public health problem in the region, related to the use of crack and other drugs, and public safety. In order to better understand the extent of the problem, the researchers plan to start a wastewater-based epidemiological program to detect drug use. One of the goals of such programs is to help identify health problems in the population related not only to illicit drugs but also to alcohol and smoking. In addition to cocaine, another emerging contaminant that the researcher and his collaborators have studied is atmospheric particulate matter — a compound of metallurgical origin that can precipitate in coastal regions and cause toxic effects in aquatic organisms, as well as bioaccumulating in fish. The goal is to determine when human activities began to alter the natural dynamics of the region. The results of the analyses of the records showed that the first concentration of these compounds in the region, which is one of the most populated and industrialized on the Brazilian coast, occurred between the s and s when the steel refineries were installed. The results of the analysis indicated that, in surface waters, all 14 compounds studied were detected in at least one sample. Some compounds posed a potential risk to aquatic life. Identifying the source of contamination of disease-causing bacteria after natural disasters such as floods has been the aim of a group of researchers from the University of Illinois in Urbana Champaign. To achieve this goal, they have employed genetic sequencing tools. In , Hurricane Florence hit the coast of North Carolina, where coastal flooding from tropical storms is fairly common and there is a high concentration of pig farms and private septic systems. Three weeks after the hurricane, a team of researchers from the U. The results of the genetic analyses of chromosomes and plasmids showed that the origin of the bacteria in the collected samples was not from animals or manure, but from local rivers and streams. Cocaine is an emerging contaminant of concern in the Bay of Santos Brazil , says researcher.

Sao Paulo where can I buy cocaine