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The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime has covered the development of drug trafficking, organized crime and political protection in the small West African state over the past few years. That is because events in Guinea-Bissau are likely to be a barometer of wider developments in the West African drug-trafficking political economy. As always, Guinea-Bissau is a good place to start. In this guest blog, independent journalist Lorraine Mallinder writes about her recent trip to Bissau. Sitting outside in the rapidly falling dusk, a couple of Cuban regulars sip their beer watchfully. A car pulls up near my table. US agents posing as members of Colombian rebel group FARC captured the drug kingpin in a dramatic cocaine-for-arms sting on board a luxury yacht. Today, to the puzzlement of many locals, Na Tchuto is free, released in after serving the bulk of his four-year prison sentence. Back then, for Latin American drug lords seeking alternative routes to the heavily policed waters around Spain and Morocco, lawless Guinea-Bissau had it all: porous borders, chronically unstable politics, weak institutions and easily bribable officials, like Na Tchuto — and many other public servants. Today, with the country mired in yet another political crisis, there are big question marks over the volume of cocaine still transiting through its borders. Since independence from Portugal in , Guinea-Bissau has struggled with a lack of effective leadership. The past two decades have seen three coups, a civil war, and the assassinations of a sitting president and an army chief, in what was thought to be a tit-for-tat double murder linked to drug profits. No elected president has managed to see out a full term in the tiny West African country. In recent years, however, many believed Guinea-Bissau was turning the page. This sense of optimism seems to have been linked to two events. But squabbles over the money ensued. Insiders report that Jomav wanted to wrest control of the pledged cash from Pereira for private agricultural projects in his home village, but Pereira resisted. A few months later, Jomav sacked his prime minister on corruption allegations, but most of the party rallied around Pereira. Unsurprisingly, donors have withdrawn their pledges. Failed once again by its leaders, this impoverished country, where the majority depend on cashew crops, faces an uncertain future. At the judicial police headquarters in Bissau, the mood is optimistic. But the police chief assures me that his agents were ready to arrest the drug kingpin before the US stepped in. The islands of the Bijagos Archipelago, once a staging post for narco landings, are now swarming with agents, resulting in a drop in annual flows of cocaine to less than a tonne, says the police chief. But he is keen to focus on positives, such as the hundreds of diplomatic passports used by traffickers, which were recently seized by the judicial police. These days, most of the cocaine coming into Guinea-Bissau is brought by mules travelling from Brazil, most of them students, according to the police chief. In , airport agents caught 14 mules, carrying 8. But De Gaulle Cunha Pereira evidently has an uphill struggle on his hands. Outside the police headquarters a picket line of staff were striking over pay and conditions. The spectacle brings to mind allegations from several sources that poorly paid police agents on the islands, already a fragile line of defence against nimble-footed gangs, are easy prey for drug lords offering cash bribes. As local agencies struggle in a dysfunctional state, international actors seem to have taken their eye off the ball. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime scaled down its presence in the country in March owing to a lack of funds, according to one official in Dakar. Big cargos still come by plane, says the official. We thought it would be better to see how the politics develop. Tracking the problem has become more complex, with shifting alliances and new players linked to groups like Islamic State and al-Qaeda said to be working with Latin American cartels. The next year, which is supposed to include parliamentary and presidential elections, will be crucial in determining where the country goes next. But, for now, Guinea-Bissau remains a country on the edge. Los perdedores en este comercio: los ciudadanos. Como siempre, Guinea-Bissau es un buen punto de partida. Es el bar sin nombre. Estamos en Africa Occidental, pero el ambiente tiene un sabor distintivamente latino, con ritmos de salsa que salen desde el interior del bar. Desde su independencia de Portugal en , Guinea-Bissau no ha logrado gozar de un liderazgo efectivo. Este sentimiento de optimismo parece haber estado ligado a dos acontecimientos. Pero surgieron disputas por el dinero. Previsiblemente, los donantes internacionales han retirado su oferta. Peor a medida que las agencias locales encuentran dificultades en un Estado disfuncional, los actores internacionales parecen haber quitado los ojos de la pelota. No los pueden detectar. Guinea-Bissau's illegal drug economy. Author s Lorraine Mallinder. Guinea-Bissau has long been labelled a narco-state. Today it is likely that the West African country continues to be a major hub for cocaine. The losers in the drug deals are its citizens. Related analysis. WEA-Obs The role of national parks in illicit economies and conflict dynamics.

Someone Shipped $55 Million Worth of Cocaine to a Coca-Cola Factory

Salen where can I buy cocaine

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Salen where can I buy cocaine