Russia's President Vladimir Putin's Meeting with Russian Foreign Ministry senior officials (June 14, 2024) - Part III

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Today, I will tell you another important fact that has not been publicly disclosed before: at the very same hours on February 21, I had a conversation with my American counterpart at the initiative of the American side. Essentially, the American leader offered unequivocal support for the Kiev agreement between the authorities and the opposition. Furthermore, he described it as a genuine breakthrough and an opportunity for the Ukrainian people to prevent the escalating violence from crossing all imaginable boundaries.

Furthermore, during our discussions, we collaboratively formulated the following approach: Russia committed to persuading the then-President of Ukraine to exercise maximum restraint, refraining from deploying the army and law enforcement against protesters. Conversely, the United States pledged to urge the opposition to peacefully vacate administrative buildings and work towards calming the streets.

All of these efforts were intended to restore normalcy in the country, ensuring adherence to constitutional and legal principles. Overall, we agreed to collaborate towards fostering a stable, peaceful, and well developing Ukraine. We fulfilled our commitments in full. At that time, President Yanukovych, who had no intention to deploy the army, refrained from doing so and even withdrew additional police units from Kiev.

What about our Western colleagues? During the night of February 22 and throughout the following day, despite agreements and guarantees from the West (both Europe and the United States, as I just mentioned), radicals forcibly seized control of the Rada building, the Presidential Administration, and took over the government while President Yanukovych left for Kharkov, where the congress of deputies of the southeastern regions of Ukraine and Crimea was supposed to take place. And none of the guarantors of these political settlement agreements – neither the United States nor the Europeans – did a thing to fulfill their obligations by urging the opposition to release the seized administrative buildings and renounce violence. It is evident that this sequence of events not only suited them but also suggests they may have orchestrated the unfolding events.

On February 22, 2014, the Verkhovna Rada, in contravention of Ukraine’s Constitution, passed a resolution declaring the self-removal of President Yanukovych from office and scheduled early elections for May 25. This marked an armed coup instigated by external influences. Ukrainian radicals, with implicit consent and direct backing from the West, obstructed all efforts for a peaceful resolution of the crisis.

Then we urged Kiev and the Western capitals to initiate dialogue with the people in southeastern Ukraine, respect their interests, rights, and freedoms. However, the regime that seized power through the coup d'état opted for war and began punitive actions against Donbass in the spring and summer of 2014. Once again, Russia appealed for peace.

We made every effort to address arising urgent issues within the framework of the Minsk Agreements. However, as previously emphasised, the West and the Kiev authorities showed no intention of implementing them despite verbal assurances from our Western colleagues, including the head of the White House, that they viewed the Minsk agreements as crucial and were committed to their implementation. They claimed that these agreements would help resolve the situation in Ukraine, stabilise it, and take into account the interests of the residents of eastern Ukraine. Instead, they effectively initiated a blockade, as I mentioned earlier, against Donbass. The Ukrainian Armed Forces systematically prepared for an all-out operation aimed at destroying the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s republics.

The Minsk agreements were ultimately disregarded by the actions of the Kiev regime and the West. I will revisit this topic shortly. Therefore, in 2022, Russia was forced to begin the special military operation to cease the war in Donbass and safeguard civilians from genocide.

From the outset, we consistently proposed diplomatic solutions to the crisis, as I mentioned earlier today. These included negotiations in Belarus and Turkiye, as well as the withdrawal of troops from Kiev to facilitate the signing of the Istanbul Agreements, which had been broadly accepted. However, these efforts were also rebuffed. The West and Kiev persisted in their aim to defeat us. Yet, as you kmoe, these efforts ultimately faltered.

Today, we are presenting another concrete and genuine peace proposal. If Kiev and Western capitals reject it again, as they have done before, then ultimately, it becomes their responsibility, both political and moral, for the ongoing bloodshed. Clearly, the situation on the front lines will continue to evolve unfavourably for the Kiev regime, altering the conditions necessary for initiating negotiations.

Let me underscore the key point: the essence of our proposal is not a temporary truce or ceasefire, as the West might prefer, to allow the Kiev regime to recover, rearm, and prepare for a new offensive. I repeat: we are not discussing freezing the conflict, but its definitive resolution.

And I will reiterate: once Kiev agrees to the course of action proposed today, including the full withdrawal of its troops from the DPR, LPR, the Zaporozhye and Kherson regions, and begins this process earnestly, we are prepared to commence negotiations promptly without delay.

I repeat our firm stance: Ukraine should adopt a neutral, non-aligned status, be nuclear-free, and undergo demilitarisation and denazification. These parameters were broadly agreed upon during the Istanbul negotiations in 2022, including specific details on demilitarisation such as the agreed numbers of tanks and other military equipment. We reached consensus on all points.

Certainly, the rights, freedoms, and interests of Russian-speaking citizens in Ukraine must be fully protected. The new territorial realities, including the status of Crimea, Sevastopol, Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics, Kherson, and Zaporozhye regions as parts of the Russian Federation, should be acknowledged. These foundational principles need to be formalised through fundamental international agreements in the future. Naturally, this entails the removal of all Western sanctions against Russia as well.

I believe that Russia is proposing an option that will make it possible to bring the war in Ukraine to a real end, that is, we call for turning the tragic page of history and, although with difficulty, gradually, step by step, restoring relations of trust and neighbourliness between Russia and Ukraine and in Europe as a whole.

Having settled the Ukrainian crisis, we, and our partners in the CSTO and the SCO, which today are still making a significant and constructive contribution to the search for a peaceful settlement of the Ukraine crisis, as well as Western partners, including European countries that are ready for dialogue, could embark on the fundamental task that I spoke about at the beginning of my statement, namely the creation of an indivisible system of Eurasian security that takes into account the interests of all the states on the continent without exception.

Of course, a verbatim return to the security proposals that we put forward 25, 15 or even two years ago is impossible, as too much has happened and the conditions have changed. However, the basic principles and, most importantly, the very subject of dialogue remain unchanged. Russia is aware of its responsibility for global stability and reaffirms its readiness to talk to all countries. But this should not be an imitation of a peace process in order to serve someone's selfish will or someone's vested interests, but a serious and thorough conversation on all issues, on the entire range of questions of world security.

Colleagues,

I believe that all of you are well aware of the large-scale tasks facing Russia and how much we need to do, including in the foreign policy area.

I sincerely wish you success in this difficult work to ensure Russia's security, our national interests, strengthen the country's position in the world, promote integration and bilateral relations with our partners.

For their part, the national leadership will continue to provide the foreign ministry and all those involved in the implementation of Russia's foreign policy with the necessary support.

Thank you once again for your work, thank you for your patience and attention to what has been said. I am confident that we will succeed.

Thank you very much.

Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov: Mr President, first of all, I would like to say thank you very much for your assessment of our work.

We are trying, and life makes us try even harder, and we will continue to do so, because everyone understands that this is necessary for the destiny of our country, the destiny of our people, and to a certain extent for the destiny of the world. We will fulfil the instructions you have just outlined as you detailed the concept of Eurasian security. We will pointedly follow your instructions together with our colleagues from other agencies,

In the context of building a new fair, as you said, indivisible security system based on the same principles, we will continue to assist in resolving individual crisis situations, of which, of course, the Ukraine crisis is of the highest priority for us.

We will certainly use your new initiative in a variety of situations, including in our work within BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, with the People's Republic of China, with the countries of Latin America and Africa, which have also put forward their initiatives, but which have so far been completely ignored by those who govern Ukraine.

Thank you again. We will keep doing our best.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.