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The 2018 gay pride parade in Kyiv, Ukraine, was protected by riot police.
(Evgeniy Maloletka / Associated Press)
Zi Faámelu, a Ukrainian singer, before the war.
Yura Dvizhon, a director who helps run Ukraine’s annual gay pride celebration.
A man clears debris at a damaged residential building in Kyiv.
(Daniel Leal / AFP via Getty Images)
A family sheltering in a Kyiv subway station.
(Emilio Morenatti / Associated Press)
Zi Faámelu wants to escape the war in Ukraine, but her identity will not let her.
The 31-year-old singer , who is transgender, has a passport that says she is male, the sex assigned to her at birth, and Ukraine has prohibited men of fighting age from leaving the country.
That paradox has left Faámelu hunkered inside her Kyiv apartment as missiles soar all around her. She is considering following other transgender women who have crossed into Poland illegally through the woods in the week since Russia invaded.
“Already we were fighting for our lives,” she said. “And now we’re actually in war.”
Faámelu is anxious to leave now. She knows that under a Russian occupation, life could deteriorate quickly for LGBTQ people like her.
“It is a very bleak situation for trans people in Ukraine,” Faámelu said. “But in Russia, it’s even worse.”
Over the last two decades, Russian President Vladimir Putin has waged an all-out assault on the LGBTQ community, framing it as part of a larger campaign to protect Russia’s “traditional culture” from what he describes as an onslaught of modern values promoted by the West.
Putin has called gender fluidity “a crime against humanity,” and equated homosexuality with pedophilia.
A “ gay propaganda ” law passed in Russia in 2013 made it illegal to promote gay rights and has been used to jail activists and shut down LGBTQ support groups. And during a series of anti-gay purges in Russia’s Muslim-majority Chechen Republic, in which officials kidnapped, tortured and in some cases killed men suspected of having sex with other men, the Kremlin turned a blind eye.
At the same time, life for LGBTQ people in Ukraine has slowly been improving.
Now, with tens of thousands of Russian troops encircling major Ukrainian cities , gay, lesbian and transgender people are worried about what a Russian takeover might mean for them. The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations warned last month that “LGBTQI+ persons” are included on lists created by Russian forces of Ukrainians “to be killed or sent to camps following a military occupation.”
“None of this augurs well for LGBT people in Ukraine,” said Graeme Reid, director of the LGBTQ rights program at Human Rights Watch. Putin, he said, has long used “the specter of LGBT rights as a political wedge issue” to appeal to conservatives at home and abroad.
As Putin has made gay people the boogeymen for all of Russia’s ills, Reid said, he has also fueled “a demonstrable increase in discrimination and violence.”
The war’s high stakes have led some LGBTQ Ukrainians to try to flee, while others have stayed and joined the resistance.
“If we were under Russian rule, we’d have to shut our mouths, we wouldn’t be able to dress how we want, we would never have gay pride,” said Yura Dvizhon, 29, a well-known Ukrainian director. “I don’t want to live that life. That’s why I have to fight.”
After Russia invaded on Feb. 24, Dvizhon and his friends left Kyiv for western Ukraine, where they are running social media campaigns to pressure Russian celebrities to speak out against the war and highlighting LGBTQ Ukrainians — such as a popular drag queen — who are serving on the front lines of the war.
Ukraine was never a utopia for gays and transgender people, Dvizhon said.
Gay marriage is illegal in Ukraine, LGBTQ people are not protected by anti-discrimination laws, and the influential Christian Orthodox Church views homosexuality as a sin. One prominent church leader has called the COVID-19 pandemic “punishment” for the expansion of same-sex marriage across the world.
Dvizhon, the co-founder of a nonprofit group pushing for LGBTQ rights, is still afraid to hold his boyfriend’s hand in public. But he says things are slowly getting better.
Last year’s annual gay pride parade in Kyiv drew 7,000 people — a victory, even if police were called in to fend off anti-gay protesters. Opinion polls show Ukrainians have become more accepting of gay rights over the last decade.
Significantly, the LGBTQ community has begun to receive tacit signs of support from Ukraine’s European-allied government.
In 2019, President Volodymyr Zelensky snapped back at a homophobic heckler who had interrupted his speech. “We all live together in an open society where each one can choose the language they want to speak, their ethnicity, and [sexual] orientation,” Zelensky said. “Leave those people be, for God’s sake!”
While there are still concrete laws — an anti-discrimination bill foremost among them — that the nation’s LGBTQ community is waiting for, everybody knows that the situation for gay people in Russia is “much, much, much worse,” said Natsya Kosach, a lesbian DJ in Kyiv.
While many Ukrainian women have fled to Poland , part of an exodus of 1 million people in just the last week alone, Kosach decided to stay.
She has been hiding from bombs in an underground bar where she used to perform, sleeping in fitful shifts curled up on the stage and cooking meals for soldiers and families that have taken shelter underground in the city’s subway.
The war, she said, had brought Ukrainians together like never before, and it has begun to feel like past divisions — including disputes over gender and sexuality — don’t really matter.
“I think this situation will unite everybody more than ever,” she said. “I know gay guys who are in the Territorial Defense [Ukraine’s military reserve force] and nobody is saying anything to them.”
Faámelu was less optimistic that Ukraine’s wartime unity had erased discrimination.
The transgender singer is running low on food, but is afraid to go out into the city to replenish supplies, not only because of the threat from Russians, but also because many Ukrainians are newly armed, having been handed weapons to defend against the invasion.
“This is a homophobic, transphobic place,” she said. “We are not protected.”
Some 500,000 Ukrainians have fled their homeland since Russia invaded last week.
She knows that under Russia, life would probably be even scarier. Her parents are from Crimea, a Ukrainian territory annexed by Russia in 2014. The region has become more homophobic since then, she said.
She believes anti-gay and trans discrimination has its roots in the Orthodox Church but also the Soviet Union, which broke up in 1991.
In Soviet society, conformity was prized. “If you were different, you were ridiculed,” she said. “Expression was seen as a no-no.”
For now, as she debates going to the border and crossing illegally, she keeps herself occupied by dancing alone in her apartment to ’70s songs. Anything, she said, to keep her mind off the missiles screaming by.
Ukraine won its independence in 1991 with the fall of the Soviet Union. Russian President Vladimir Putin contends it was never a state .
A no-fly zone, many officials say, would draw the U.S. and its NATO allies into direct combat with Russia — an escalation many liken to a world war. Air combat missions would have to be supported by ground-based operations and the U.S. and its NATO allies would have to be prepared to go in over land, making it “a slippery slope from there to a shooting war.”
There are set definitions and processes for determining who’s a war criminal and how they should be punished. The investigations into Putin’s actions already have begun. The U.S. and 44 other countries are working together to investigate possible violations and abuses, and there’s another inquiry by the International Criminal Court.
Several organizations in California, as well as international aid groups, are helping refugees, wounded soldiers and others in and around Ukraine. Here’s how you can contribute .
Linthicum reported from Mexico City.
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Kate Linthicum is a foreign correspondent for the Los Angeles Times based in Mexico City.


















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Source language: Autodetect ------ Afrikaans Albanian Amharic Arabic Armenian Azerbaijani Bajan Balkan Gipsy Basque Bemba Bengali Bielarus Bislama Bosnian Breton Bulgarian Burmese Catalan Cebuano Chamorro Chinese (Simplified) Chinese Traditional Comorian (Ngazidja) Coptic Creole English (Antigua and Barbuda) Creole English (Bahamas) Creole English (Grenadian) Creole English (Guyanese) Creole English (Jamaican) Creole English (Vincentian) Creole English (Virgin Islands) Creole French (Haitian) Creole French (Saint Lucian) Creole French (Seselwa) Creole Portuguese (Upper Guinea) Croatian Czech Danish Dutch Dzongkha English Esperanto Estonian Fanagalo Faroese Finnish French Galician Georgian German Greek Greek (Classical) Gujarati Hausa Hawaiian Hebrew Hindi Hungarian Icelandic Indonesian Inuktitut (Greenlandic) Irish Gaelic Italian Japanese Javanese Kabuverdianu Kabylian Kannada Kazakh Khmer Kinyarwanda Kirundi Korean Kurdish Kurdish Sorani Kyrgyz Lao Latin Latvian Lithuanian Luxembourgish Macedonian Malagasy Malay Maldivian Maltese Manx Gaelic Maori Marshallese Mende Mongolian Morisyen Nepali Niuean Norwegian Nyanja Pakistani Palauan Panjabi Papiamentu Pashto Persian Pijin Polish Portuguese Potawatomi Quechua Romanian Russian Samoan Sango Scots Gaelic Serbian Shona Sinhala Slovak Slovenian Somali Sotho, Southern Spanish Sranan Tongo Swahili Swedish Swiss German Syriac (Aramaic) Tagalog Tajik Tamashek (Tuareg) Tamil Telugu Tetum Thai Tibetan Tigrinya Tok Pisin Tokelauan Tongan Tswana Turkish Turkmen Tuvaluan Ukrainian Uma Uzbek Vietnamese Wallisian Welsh Wolof Xhosa Yiddish Zulu
Target language: Afrikaans Albanian Amharic Arabic Armenian Azerbaijani Bajan Balkan Gipsy Basque Bemba Bengali Bielarus Bislama Bosnian Breton Bulgarian Burmese Catalan Cebuano Chamorro Chinese (Simplified) Chinese Traditional Comorian (Ngazidja) Coptic Creole English (Antigua and Barbuda) Creole English (Bahamas) Creole English (Grenadian) Creole English (Guyanese) Creole English (Jamaican) Creole English (Vincentian) Creole English (Virgin Islands) Creole French (Haitian) Creole French (Saint Lucian) Creole French (Seselwa) Creole Portuguese (Upper Guinea) Croatian Czech Danish Dutch Dzongkha English Esperanto Estonian Fanagalo Faroese Finnish French Galician Georgian German Greek Greek (Classical) Gujarati Hausa Hawaiian Hebrew Hindi Hungarian Icelandic Indonesian Inuktitut (Greenlandic) Irish Gaelic Italian Japanese Javanese Kabuverdianu Kabylian Kannada Kazakh Khmer Kinyarwanda Kirundi Korean Kurdish Kurdish Sorani Kyrgyz Lao Latin Latvian Lithuanian Luxembourgish Macedonian Malagasy Malay Maldivian Maltese Manx Gaelic Maori Marshallese Mende Mongolian Morisyen Nepali Niuean Norwegian Nyanja Pakistani Palauan Panjabi Papiamentu Pashto Persian Pijin Polish Portuguese Potawatomi Quechua Romanian Russian Samoan Sango Scots Gaelic Serbian Shona Sinhala Slovak Slovenian Somali Sotho, Southern Spanish Sranan Tongo Swahili Swedish Swiss German Syriac (Aramaic) Tagalog Tajik Tamashek (Tuareg) Tamil Telugu Tetum Thai Tibetan Tigrinya Tok Pisin Tokelauan Tongan Tswana Turkish Turkmen Tuvaluan Ukrainian Uma Uzbek Vietnamese Wallisian Welsh Wolof Xhosa Yiddish Zulu


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VASILISA STEPANENKO and MONIKA SCISLOWSKA
November 17, 2022, 9:07 PM · 6 min read
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PRZEWODOW, Poland (AP) — Since the invasion of Ukraine more than eight months ago, Poland has aided the neighboring country and millions of its refugees — both to ease their suffering and to help guard against the war spilling into the rest of Europe.
But a missile strike that killed two men Tuesday in a Polish village close to the Ukrainian border brought the conflict home and added to the long-suppressed sense of vulnerability in a country where the ravages of World War II are well remembered.
"The thing that I dread most in life is war. I don't want to ever experience that,” said Anna Grabinska, a Warsaw woman who has extended help to a Ukrainian mother of two small children.
One of the men killed in Przewodow was actively helping refugees from Ukraine who had found shelter in the area.
NATO and Polish leaders say the missile was most likely fired by Ukraine in defense against a Russian attack.
Now shaken Poles fear for their future, and political commentators warn that the strike should not be allowed to hurt relations with Ukraine, which have recently grown closer through Poland's solidarity.
“There is fear, anxiety for what will happen the next night or the next day,” villager Kinga Kancir said.
When Russia invaded Ukraine on Feb. 24, millions of Poles dropped what they were doing to help. They took time off work and rushed to the border to offer strangers rides in their cars and places in their homes. They stood in the cold and served soup. Polish mothers left baby prams at a railway station at the border for fleeing Ukrainian mothers they would never meet.
People acted on humanitarian impulse, but their generosity was also a conscious contribution to the Ukrainian war effort. By keeping Ukrainian women and children safe, the Poles ensured more men could fight Russian forces.
Poland has a long history of conflict with Moscow.
Russia was one of the three powers that divided Poland in the 18th century and — jointly with Austria and Prussia — erased it from Europe's maps for more than 100 years, brutally suppressing drives for freedom. After World War II, Poland was an unwilling part of the East Bloc and remained under Moscow's domination for over four decades, until the Poles peacefully toppled the communist government.
In their current solidarity with Ukraine, many Poles put aside historical grievances rooted in ethnic conflict, including oppression of Ukrainians by Poles and a brutal massacre by Ukrainians of some 100,000 Poles during World War II in regions not far from Przewodow.
The Polish government offered temporary accommodations and financial aid to refugees and gave money to Poles who housed them. The refugees also receive access to free state medical care, school for their children and help finding jobs.
The war changed a lot for Poland too. It drew the world's attention to Warsaw, where top leaders including U.S. President Joe Biden came to show their support for Ukraine and for Poland's aid efforts.
The conflict has strengthened Poland’s ties with its NATO allies, especially with the U.S., which sent thousands of troops to southeast Poland, close to the Ukrainian border, as Poland became a conduit for weapons sent from the West to Ukraine. The world's humanitarian and medical efforts also pass through Poland.
Russia’s aggression has pushed Warsaw to increase the country’s defense budget and spend billions of dollars on weapons from the U.S. and South Korea. Poland is also actively supporting Ukraine’s aspirations to strengthen its ties with the West and become part of the European Union.
But as the war has dragged on, some Poles have become exhausted. Many are tired of hosting strangers in their homes and paying skyrocketing energy costs. They complain that Ukrainians have taken jobs from Poles and left some families without places in public kindergartens. The huge demand for housing has pushed up rents in big cities.
As winter approaches, there are concerns that the grumbling could grow louder.
The deputy editor of Rzeczpospolita, a major daily newspaper, voiced concerns that bitterness over the missile deaths could become a pretext to weaken Poland's commitment to Ukraine or to drive a wedge between the two neighbors.
“Unfortunately, there are already voices t
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